tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-261763618121129512024-02-20T08:23:19.640-08:00Economics & Politics BooksUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger89125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-87134708192053079382009-12-05T05:53:00.000-08:002009-12-05T06:04:04.804-08:00The New Inquisition or Crashing the Gate<h4>The New Inquisition: Understanding and Managing Intellectual Freedom Challenges </h4> <p>Author: <strong>James LaRu</strong> <p><p>How can you become an effective advocate for intellectual freedom and patron privacy while maintaining a positive relationship with diverse elements of your community? Drawing on his experience as library director, this author advocates assuming a proactive role in every library function, from collection building to community outreach. This approach helps you understand the people who challenge library materials--as individuals and as members of various groups--turning enemies into allies, and building an intellectual, freedom-friendly community. You'll learn what materials get challenged and why and how you can effectively respond to challenges while meeting diverse community needs. Here are stories from the frontlines, practical guidelines on policies and procedures as well as common-sense tips on how to maintain your cool while dealing with specific groups or individuals--all presented with common sense and humor. If you have been struggling with challenges and wonder how you can uphold your ideals while dealing with harsh realities, this is the book you have been waiting for. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Acknowledgments ix<br>Introduction: The Blue Line xi<br>The Need for and Purpose of This Book xiii<br>Scope and Audience xiii<br>Background: A Historical Perspective 1<br>History of Censorship: The Burning of Books 1<br>Definitions 3<br>The Constitution and the First Amendment: Foundations of Intellectual Freedom 5<br>The Library Bill of Rights 15<br>But What about the Children? 19<br>Obscenity 20<br>Religion and Libraries 27<br>Big 16 28<br>Madonna 30<br>Focus on the Family 34<br>The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints 44<br>The Difference between FOF and the Mormons 49<br>Reading with the Enemy 50<br>Generations 57<br>Types and Life Cycles 59<br>Public Education: A Profile 61<br>Focus on the Family: Redefining the Mission 65<br>Anything Goes? 67<br>Responding to Challenges 71<br>Who Are They? 71<br>The Initial Response 74<br>The Written Responses: Letters 80<br>When the Issue Doesn't Die 84<br>Beyond the Basics: Taking It to the Street 89<br>The Pyramid Model 89<br>Geographic Information Systems 94<br>Becoming a Player 95<br>The Rubber Chicken Circuit 99<br>Public Speaking and Writing 99<br>Using Your Reputation 100<br>Newspaper Columns 101<br>Other Media 103<br>Politics 104<br>Professional Activity 107<br>Conclusion: The Fourth Turning? 109<br>Kid Stuff 109<br>I Pledge Allegiance to the Flag... 109<br>Tancredo and Immigration 113<br>There Is Always a New, a Next Inquisition 115<br>Appendix 117<br>Letters 117<br>Columns 144<br>References and Resources 149<br>Reference List 149<br>Intellectual Freedom Resources 150<br>Index 153 <p>Look this: <strong><a href="http://business-law-books.blogspot.com/2009/12/implementing-lean-software-development.html">Implementing Lean Software Development or Mr China</a></strong> <h4>Crashing the Gate: Netroots, Grassroots, and the Rise of People-Powered Politics </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Jerome Armstrong</strong> <p><p>Crashing the Gate is a shot across the bow at the political establishment in Washington, DC and a call to re-democratize politics in America.<P>This book lays bare, with passion and precision, how ineffective, incompetent, and antiquated the Democratic Party establishment has become, and how it has failed to adapt and respond to new realities and challenges. The authors save their sharpest knives to go for the jugular in their critique of Republican ideologues who are now running—and ruining—our country. <P>Written by two of the most popular political bloggers in America, the book hails the new movement—of the netroots, the grassroots, the unorthodox labor unions, the maverick big donors—that is the antidote to old-school politics as usual. Fueled by advances in technology and a hunger for a more authentic and populist democracy, this broad-based movement is changing the way political campaigns are waged and managed. <P>A must-read book for anyone with an interest in the future of American democracy. " <P><BR><B>About the Authors:</B><BR>Jerome Armstrong, a pioneer of the political blogosphere, founded one of the first political blogs, MyDD.com, in 2001. The person behind the netroots strategy that used blogs and meetups for Howard Dean's campaign, Jerome works as an internet strategist for advocacy organizations and political campaigns. He lives in Alexandria, Virginia. <P>Markos Moulitsas Zъniga served in the U.S. Army for three years and later earned two bachelors degrees from Northern Illinois University and a law degree from Boston University. After moving to California to work in the tech industry, Markos started DailyKos.com in May 2002. His blog has had a meteoric rise and now gets more than a million unique visitors each day, making it one of the most popular blogs in the nation. Markos lives in Berkeley, California. <P>Simon Rosenberg is president and founder of the New Democrat Network, a national membership organization that promotes strategies to modernize progressive politics. Before founding NDN, Rosenberg was a key member of Bill Clinton's first presidential campaign. He and his family live in Washington DC. </p><h4>The New York Times - Peter Beinart</h4><p>Armstrong and Moulitsas may well be right that the next great partisan transformation will be theirs. In <i>Crashing the Gate</i> they have written an insightful guide to how the Democratic Party can retake power. Now all they need to do is figure out why it deserves to.</p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Armstrong (MyDD.com) and Zuniga (DailyKos.com), both popular liberal political bloggers, offer a critique of Democrats and lay out their strategy to save the party and win back control of government at all levels. They present a blistering attack on the Republican Party's ideological constituencies-the theocons, neocons, corporate cons, etc.-and the policies of the Bush administration, but they move quickly to a lengthy critique of the Democratic Party, which they describe, borrowing from Howard Dean, as a collection of single-issue interest groups (e.g., pro-choice, environmental, big labor, and gun control advocates) unwilling to make concessions for the greater good: the success of the party. The authors also note outdated old-boy systems of raising money, outmoded campaign strategies, and a lack of technological sophistication. The Democrats must nurture places where new ideas germinate, such as the world of the blog. Their plan strikes this reader as na ve, considering that Dean didn't win a single primary and that the Republicans have successfully mobilized large numbers of people in support of their candidates. Moreover, they assume that their progressive ideas are, in fact, what the masses subscribe to. While the book may spark some interest among blog readers and writers, its wider appeal will be limited. Recommended for larger public libraries and academic libraries with comprehensive holdings on campaigns and elections. Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-40442231529031264732009-12-04T00:41:00.000-08:002009-12-04T00:52:04.035-08:00Reinventing Public Health or Liberty and Power<h4>Reinventing Public Health: Policies and Practices for a Healthy Nation </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Lu Ann Aday</strong> <p><p><i>Reinventing Public Health</i> offers guidance for translating the growing body of research on the fundamental social, economic, and ecological determinants of health into innovative programs and policies to improve the health of populations.<br> </p><h4>Doody Review Services</h4><p><b>Reviewer:</b> Ross M. Mullner, PhD, MPH (University of Illinois at Chicago)<BR><b>Description:</b> This book reconceptualizes the field of public health. It presents a bold new public policy orientation to improve the health of the population of the United States, and to reduce the nation's health disparities. The book also discusses the initiatives taken by several other nations, particularly Canada, to redress social inequities. <BR><b>Purpose:</b> According to the editor: "The book introduces a framework for identifying, arraying, and evaluating the evidence regarding the fundamental social, economic, and ecological determinants of population health and health disparities; explores the role of related development policies in influencing these fundamental determinants; and suggests alternative models of more health-centered policy and program design incorporating a consideration of the fundamental determinants of health." <BR><b>Audience:</b> This book is written for graduate students in public health, public policy, medical sociology, and political science. The editor, Lu Ann Aday, is a nationally known, highly respected professor and scholar from the University of Texas School of Public Health in Houston. <BR><b>Features:</b> The book consists of seven chapters. Each of the chapters is well crafted and flows nicely into the next with little overlap. A large name and subject index concludes the book. <BR><b>Assessment:</b> This is a very refreshing new look at public health. Unlike many textbooks in public health which basically repeat what has been said many times before, this book looks at public health from a new and original perspective. It is well organized, well written, and well researched. I highly recommend it! </p><h4>Rating</h4><p>4 Stars! from Doody </p><br><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Analytic framework</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fundamental determinants of population health</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">35</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Sustainable development</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">65</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Human development</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">106</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Economic development</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">183</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Community development and public health</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">237</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Toward a healthy (re)public</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">285</TD></TABLE> <p>See also: <strong><a href="http://book-where-travel.blogspot.com">Chicago or Once in a Lifetime Trips</a></strong> <h4>Liberty and Power: A Dialogue on Religion and U. S. Foreign Policy in an Unjust World </h4> <p>Author: <strong>J Bryan Hehir</strong> <p><p>What role should religion play in shaping and implementing U.S. foreign policy?<p>The dominant attitude over the last half century on the subject of religion and international relations was expressed well by Dean Acheson, Harry Truman's secretary of state: "Moral Talk was fine preaching for the Final Day of Judgment, but it was not a view I would entertain as a public servant." Was Acheson right? <p> How a nation "commits itself to freedom" has long been at the heart of debates about foreign aid, economic sanctions, and military intervention. Moral and faith traditions have much to say about what is required to achieve this end. And after September 11, no one can doubt the importance of religious beliefs in influencing relations among peoples and nations.<p> The contributors to this volume come at the issue from very different perspectives and offer exceptional and unexpected insights on a question now at the forefront of American foreign policy.<p> Author Description:<br> J. Bryan Hehir is the Parker Gilbert Montgomery Professor of the Practice of Religion and Public Life at Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and was formerly the president and CEO of Catholic Charities U.S.A. <p> Michael Walzer is a leading American political theorist and a professor of social science at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, N.J. He is the author of several books, including Just and Unjust Wars. <p> Louise Richardson serves as the executive dean of the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study at Harvard University and is an expert in international terrorism and defense policy. <p> Shibley Telhami is Anwar Sadat Professor for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland and a non-resident senior fellow at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution. He is the author of numerous books, including the national bestseller The Stakes (Westview). <p> Charles Krauthammer is a Pulitzer Prize-winning syndicated columnist at the Washington Post. He contributes frequently to Time Magazine, The Weekly Standard, The New Republic, and The National Interest. <p> James M. Lindsay is vice president and director of studies of the Council on Foreign Relations, where he holds the Maurice R. Greenberg Chair. He was previously deputy director and senior fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution. His books include Agenda for the Nation (Brookings 2003) and Defending America: The Case for Limited National Missile Defense (Brookings 2001). In 1996-97, Lindsay was director for global issues and multilateral affairs on the National Security Council staff. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-27197423285302207662009-12-02T19:29:00.000-08:002009-12-02T19:40:10.689-08:00Developing Global Executives or Faith and the Presidency<h4>Developing Global Executives: The Lessons of International Experience </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Morgan W McCall</strong> <p><p>In our borderless global economy, companies must ship their executives nearly as far and wide as their products. Whether these far-flung executives soar or land with a thud may make all the difference between a successful international enterprise or a world-class failure -- and it is this crucial difference that Developing Global Executives defines.<p> Based on a wide-ranging study of veteran global executives, leadership development experts Morgan W. McCall, Jr. and George P. Hollenbeck reveal what it takes for organizations to groom, and individuals to become, successful international executives. The answer sounds deceptively simple: People learn to "be global" from doing global work. But therein lies a tricky distinction -- what specific types of career experiences are the ones that prepare global leaders for their roles? To what extent can individuals seek out -- and companies help orchestrate -- these experiences?<p> In Developing Global Executives, leading global executives help answer these questions. Through their candid, rich, and varied stories, readers learn who global executives are, what distinguishes them from domestic leaders, and which experiences have been most critical to mastering their extremely demanding careers.<p> In addition, these "lessons from the field" underscore the key requirements and challenges of effective leadership in a global environment: from the importance of continuous learning and the crucial role of mentors to the difficulties in overcoming "culture shock" and the warning signs of potential derailment. Practical and far-sighted, this book offers a wealth of firsthand insights for aspiring and current international executives and the organizations that employ them. </p><h4></h4><p>With today's ever-increasing complexity in business, organizations need to capitalize on every developmental opportunity. <I>Developing Global Executives</I> will help you do just that by providing a thorough itinerary and useful guide for executives moving in the new, completely global environment. On your exploratory journey through the book, you will meet many fascinating people, learn from their stories, and come away with real wisdom. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Foreword</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Preface</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Acknowledgments</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction: A World of Possibilities</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">What Is a Global Executive?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">19</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Global Journeys: The Lives of Global Executives</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">41</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Lessons of International Experience</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">77</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Experiences That Teach Global Executives</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">107</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Making Sense of Culture</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">129</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">When Things Go Wrong</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">153</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">8</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Developing Global Executives: The Organization's Role</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">171</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">9</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Building a Global Career: The Individual's Part</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">197</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">10</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Epilogue</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">213</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">App. A: Interview Questions</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">219</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">App. B: Methodology</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">223</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">App. C: Supplementary Tables</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">227</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Notes</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">241</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">References</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">247</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Index</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">251</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">About the Authors</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">259</TD></TABLE> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://sobre-livros.blogspot.com/2009/12/buckets-of-money-or-call-me-ted.html">Buckets of Money or Call Me Ted</a></strong> <h4>Faith and the Presidency: From George Washington to George W. Bush </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Gary Scott Smith</strong> <p><p>In the wake of the 2004 election, pundits were shocked at exit polling that showed that 22% of voters thought "moral values" was the most important issue at stake. People on both sides of the political divide believed this was the key to victory for George W. Bush, who professes a deep and abiding faith in God. While some fervent Bush supporters see him as a man chosen by God for the White House, opponents see his overt commitment to Christianity as a dangerous and unprecedented bridging of the gap between church and state.<br> In fact, Gary Scott Smith shows, none of this is new. Religion has been a major part of the presidency since George Washington's first inaugural address. Despite the mounting interest in the role of religion in American public life, we actually know remarkably little about the faith of our presidents. Was Thomas Jefferson an atheist, as his political opponents charged? What role did Lincoln's religious views play in his handling of slavery and the Civil War? How did born-again Southern Baptist Jimmy Carter lose the support of many evangelicals? Is George W. Bush, as his critics often claim, a captive of the religious right? In this fascinating book, Smith answers these questions and many more. He takes a sweeping look at the role religion has played in presidential politics and policies. Drawing on extensive archival research, Smith paints compelling portraits of the religious lives and presidencies of eleven chief executives for whom religion was particularly important.<br> Faith and the Presidency meticulously examines what each of its subjects believed and how those beliefs shaped their presidencies and, in turn, the course of our history. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Given the separation of church and state specified by the Second Amendment, Americans have both contested and championed the expression of religious faith by their leaders. Smith (history, Grove City Coll.) carefully collects and collates the personal views and attitudes on religion and the relations with religious institutions and constituencies of 11 U.S. Presidents: Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Wilson, both Roosevelts, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Carter, Reagan, and George W. Bush. "In the final analysis," Scott concludes, "we must be careful not to make too much or too little of the influence of presidents' faith on how they performed their duties. Scholars have tended to take it into account too little; some critics and admirers have given it too much attention." Methodologically, Smith is less than persuasive in his attempts to demonstrate cause-and-effect relationships between faith and policy. But readers need not share his perspective or conclusions in order to thank him for the wealth of source material and historical detail he has amassed on a fascinating and important topic. Recommended for all libraries.-Steve Young, McHenry Cty. Coll., Crystal Lake, IL Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-53090657369698520122009-12-01T14:06:00.000-08:002009-12-01T14:18:42.415-08:00Lincoln on Democracy or My Way or the Highway<h4>Lincoln on Democracy </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Mario Cuomo</strong> <p><p>Back in print after ten years, this unique book brings together 141 speeches, speech excerpts, letters, fragments, and other writings by Lincoln on the theme of democracy. Selected by leading historians, the writings include such standards as the Emancipation Proclamation and the Gettysburg Address, but also such little-seen writings as a letter assuring a general that the President felt safe-drafted just three days before Lincoln's assassination. In this richly annotated anthology, the writings are grouped thematically into seven sections that cover politics, slavery, the union, democracy, liberty, the nation divided, and the American Dream. The introductions are by well-known historians: Gabor Borritt, William E. Gienapp, Charles B. Strozier, Richard Nelson Current, James M. McPherson, Mark E. Neely, Jr., and Hans L. Trefousse. In addition, each section's title page displays a photograph of Lincoln from the time period covered in that section, with a paragraph describing the source and the occasion for which the photograph was made.<br> </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Preface to the Fordham University Press edition</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Preface</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"Not much of me" : Lincoln's "autobiography," age 50, December 20, 1859</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">I</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"The people's business" : Lincoln and the American dream, 1832-1852</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">3</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">No wealthy ... relations to recommend me</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">9</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I shall be governed by their will</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">11</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The people know their rights</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">12</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Injustice and bad policy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">13</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The political religion of the nation</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">15</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The wealthy can not justly complain</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">24</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Many free countries have lost their liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">25</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">'God tempers the wind'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">26</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The sorrow quenching draughts of perfect liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">28</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">By the fruit the tree is to be known</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">30</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Useless labour is ... the same as idleness</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">32</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The right to rise up</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">34</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">No one man should hold the power</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">36</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">There are few things wholly evil, or wholly good</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">38</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Leaving the people's business in their hands</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">40</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Go to work, 'tooth and nails'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">41</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Valuable to his adopted country</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">43</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Resolve to be honest</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">44</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The presidency ... is no bed of roses</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">46</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Principles held dear</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">49</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A deep devotion to the cause of human liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">51</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">II</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"All we have ever held sacred" : Lincoln and slavery, 1854-1857</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">55</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">We proposed to give all a chance</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">62</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">'To do for the people what needs to be done'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">63</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Our Republican robe is soiled</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">65</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">No peaceful extinction of slavery in prospect</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">78</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I am not a know-nothing</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">80</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">This great principle of equality</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">84</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Free society is not ... a failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">86</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A standard maxim for free society</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">88</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Not bloody bullets, but peaceful ballots</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">92</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">III</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"Another explosion will come" : Lincoln and the house divided, 1858</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">97</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Government cannot endure ... half slave and half free</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">105</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The electric cord in that declaration</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">114</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fight this battle upon principle</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">118</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">This expresses my idea of democracy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">121</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Return to the fountain</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">121</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I claim no ... exemption from personal ambition</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">123</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The moral lights around us</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">125</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Our reliance is in the love of liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">127</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Never have had a black woman for either a slave or a wife</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">128</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Give to him that is needy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">130</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">'He trembled for his country'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">132</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The eternal struggle</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">134</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The fight must go on</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">136</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">IV</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"Right makes might" : Lincoln and the race for president, 1859-1960</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">141</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Sole hope of the future</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">148</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">He who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">154</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Aim at the elevation of men</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">156</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The moral lights around us</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">157</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Equality ... beats inequality</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">159</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Free labor ... gives hope to all</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">160</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Let us stand by our duty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">164</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The laborer can strike if he wants to</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">175</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Allow the humblest man an equal chance</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">176</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I accept the nomination</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">177</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Work, work, work is the main thing</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">178</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I rejoice with you in the success</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">179</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The tug has to come</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">180</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">V</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"Hour of trial" : Lincoln and union, 1861</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">183</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The principle that clears the path for all</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">188</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">If we surrender, it is the end of us</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">189</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">With a task before me</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">190</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Liberty, for yourselves, and not for me</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">191</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">There is but little harm I can do</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">192</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Give the greatest good to the greatest number</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">193</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The majority shall rule</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">194</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The ship can be saved, with the cargo</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">195</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">In accordance with the original idea</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">196</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I would rather be assassinated</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">198</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Plain as a turnpike road</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">199</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The momentous issue of Civil War</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">201</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I hope we have a government and a president</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">210</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The perpetuity of popular government</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">211</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">We can not permanently prevent their action</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">213</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Suspend the Writ of Habeas Corpus</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">214</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The central idea pervading this struggle</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">215</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A Polish gentleman ... highly recommended</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">216</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">This is ... a people's contest</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">217</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Allow no man to be shot</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">226</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I cannot assume this reckless position</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">227</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Wanting to work is so rare</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">229</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The capacity of man for self-government</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">230</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The struggle of today ... for a vast future also</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">231</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">VI</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"Forever free" : Lincoln and liberty, 1862-1863</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The principle of the equal rights of men</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">243</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Gradual ... emancipation, is better for all</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">244</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Government was saved from overthrow</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">246</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Our common country is in great peril</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">247</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A fit and necessary military measure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">249</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Your race are suffering</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">251</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">My paramount object in this struggle</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">253</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">God wills this contest</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">254</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The time has come now</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">255</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Thenceforward, and forever free</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">257</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">To suppress the insurrection</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">260</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Breath alone kills no rebels</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">262</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A fiery trial</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">263</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">We cannot escape history</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">264</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The promise must now be kept</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">269</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Sincerely believed to be ... an act of justice</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">270</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">An instance of sublime Christian heroism</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">273</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I will risk the dictatorship</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">275</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Resist ... such recognition</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">276</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Public safety does require the suspension</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">277</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The decision is to be made</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">282</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">How long ago is it? - eighty odd years</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">283</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">My 'public-opinion baths'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">284</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Those who shall have tasted actual freedom ... can never be slaves</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">285</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Better prepared for the new</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">286</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">You say you will not fight to free Negroes</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">288</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The boundless field of absolutism?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">292</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Has the manhood of our race run out?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">293</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I do not intend to be a tyrant</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">296</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">VII</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">"For us the living" : Lincoln and democracy, 1863-1865</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">301</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">New birth of freedom</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">307</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">You will not find that to be an obstacle</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">308</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The new reckoning</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">309</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I have never interfered ... in any church</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">311</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Common looking people are the best in the world</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">312</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Universal amnesty ... with universal suffrage</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">313</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Keep the jewel of liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">314</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Let not him who is houseless pull down the house of another</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">315</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Never knew a man who wished to be ... a slave</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">316</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">316</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The limb must be sacrificed</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">319</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A good definition of the word liberty</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">320</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">So that they can have the benefit</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">321</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">May I have to answer for robbing no man</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">323</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A fitting, and necessary conclusion</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">324</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The people's business</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">325</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I should deserve to be damned</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">325</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Kindly paying attention</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">327</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Any one of your children may look to come here</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">328</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">My duty to co-operate</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">329</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The purposes of the almighty are perfect</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">330</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Struggling to maintain government, not to overthrow it</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">331</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Discharge him at once</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">332</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The election was a necessity</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">333</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Not the sort of religion upon which people can get to heaven</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">335</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The voice of the people</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">336</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude ... shall exist</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">338</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A king's cure for all the evils</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">339</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">With malice toward none</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">340</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">I have always thought that all men should be free</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">343</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A righteous and speedy peace</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">344</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A union of hearts and hands</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">349</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Afterword : the Abraham Lincoln association</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">351</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Lincoln, the nation, and the world : a chronology, 1809-1865</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">355</TD></TABLE> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://small-business-books.blogspot.com">New Deal or Raw Deal or Emily Posts the Etiquette Advantage in Business</a></strong> <h4>My Way or the Highway: The Micromanagement Survival Guide </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Harry E Chambers</strong> <p><p>Most people think that micromanagement occurs only in management-employee relationships, but the truth is that it happens everywhere: employees micromanage managers, customers micromanaging vendors, board members micromanaging company leaders, parents micromanage children, governments micromanage citizens, peers micromanage one another, and more. With shoot-from-the-hip style and plenty of real-world examples, My Way or the Highway illustrates how micromanagement interferes with performance and productivity, resulting in huge costs - hidden, direct, and indirect - to individuals and organizations. In highly practical terms, management expert Harry Chambers explains the art of dealing with micromanagers at a personal level and how to introduce the more system-wide changes needed for productive environments. Readers learn valuable strategies for lessening the impact of micromanagers, as well as how to identify and correct their own managerial behaviors. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-8689532825419713102009-11-30T08:53:00.000-08:002009-11-30T09:04:48.356-08:00First in His Class or On Religious Liberty<h4>First in His Class: A Biography of Bill Clinton </h4> <p>Author: <strong>David Maraniss</strong> <p><p>Who exactly <I>is</I> Bill Clinton, and why was he, of all the brilliant and ambitious men in his generation, the first in his class to reach the White House? Drawing on hundreds of letters, documents, and interviews, David Maraniss explores the evolution of the personality of our forty-second president from his youth in Arkansas to his 1991 announcement that he would run for the nation's highest office. In this richly textured and balanced biography, Maraniss reveals a complex man full of great flaws and great talents. <I>First in His Class</I> is the definitive book on Bill Clinton.<br><br> </I></B></LI></UL> </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>In this incisive, richly textured, fair-minded biography of Bill Clinton, which ends on the night he announced his presidential candidacy, <i>Washington Post</i> reporter Maraniss limns a quintessential politician, "sincere and deceptive at the same time.'' Drawing on interviews with nearly 400 people, including Clinton's closest friends, colleagues and relatives, Maraniss taps two sides of Clinton-one intelligent, empathetic, indefatigable, another petulant, tantrum-prone, indecisive, misleading, too eager to please-and declares that these components of the man are inseparable. There are revealing glimpses of Clinton the semi-bohemian Oxford antiwar activist; the casual, disorganized University of Arkansas law professor; and the Arkansas governor soliciting large contributions from corporate leaders for the public relations arm of his permanent political campaign. Maraniss, whose articles on Clinton's presidential candidacy won a Pulitzer Prize, also illuminates Clinton's pragmatic partnership with Hillary Rodham and their dependence on each other during their long haul from Arkansas to the White House.</p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Clinton books have been as ubiquitous as photos of the president in jogging shorts and ill-fitting suits. Maraniss's biography similarly suffers more from overexposure than content. Most of the book examines Clinton's educational roots-from high school, where he graduated fourth, not first, in his class through Georgetown, Oxford, and Yale universities. Washington Post reporter Maraniss is at his best portraying Clinton as a product of the 1960s, when his life experiences and views were tempered by liberalism. He was tormented, as were so many of his peers, by the possibility of being drafted to serve in Vietnam; his actions were buffeted by wanting to avoid service without becoming involved in protests that could haunt his political career. This sympathetic portrait concludes with Clinton's decision to seek the 1992 Democratic presidential nomination. Maraniss's book complements John Brummett's Highwire (LJ 9/15/94), which also sees Clinton as a product of either his educational or geographical roots. The large number of existing Clinton titles and his declining popularity may make this book a tough sell. For public libraries. <br>-- Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Township Library, King of Prussia, PA </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Clinton books have been as ubiquitous as photos of the president in jogging shorts and ill-fitting suits. Maraniss's biography similarly suffers more from overexposure than content. Most of the book examines Clinton's educational roots-from high school, where he graduated fourth, not first, in his class through Georgetown, Oxford, and Yale universities. Washington Post reporter Maraniss is at his best portraying Clinton as a product of the 1960s, when his life experiences and views were tempered by liberalism. He was tormented, as were so many of his peers, by the possibility of being drafted to serve in Vietnam; his actions were buffeted by wanting to avoid service without becoming involved in protests that could haunt his political career. This sympathetic portrait concludes with Clinton's decision to seek the 1992 Democratic presidential nomination. Maraniss's book complements John Brummett's Highwire (LJ 9/15/94), which also sees Clinton as a product of either his educational or geographical roots. The large number of existing Clinton titles and his declining popularity may make this book a tough sell. For public libraries. <br>-- Karl Helicher, Upper Merion Township Library, King of Prussia, PA</p><h4>What People Are Saying</h4><p><strong>Robert A. Caro</strong><br>David Maraniss has written a compelling, vivid portrait of a very complex man. <i> First in His Class </i> is, moreover, a work of great integrity, notable for the scrupulousness of its documentations, which shines forth from every page. <br>— Robert A. Caro, author of <i> Means of Ascent: The Years of Lyndon Johnson</p><br><br><br> <p>Interesting textbook: <strong><a href="http://livros-pt.blogspot.com/2009/11/getting-things-done-or-we-bought-zoo.html">Getting Things Done or We Bought a Zoo</a></strong> <h4>On Religious Liberty: Selections from the Works of Roger Williams </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Roger Williams</strong> <p><p><P>Banished from the Massachusetts Bay Colony for his refusal to conform to Puritan religious and social standards, Roger Williams established a haven in Rhode Island for those persecuted in the name of the religious establishment. He conducted a lifelong debate over religious freedom with distinguished figures of the seventeenth century, including Puritan minister John Cotton, Massachusetts governor John Endicott, and the English Parliament.<br></p><P>James Calvin Davis gathers together important selections from Williams's public and private writings on religious liberty, illustrating how this renegade Puritan radically reinterpreted Christian moral theology and the events of his day in a powerful argument for freedom of conscience and the separation of church and state. For Williams, the enforcement of religious uniformity violated the basic values of Calvinist Christianity and presumed upon God's authority to speak to the individual conscience. He argued that state coercion was rarely effective, often causing more harm to the church and strife to the social order than did religious pluralism.<br></p><P>This is the first collection of Williams's writings in forty years reaching beyond his major work, <i>The Bloody Tenent</i>, to include other selections from his public and private writings. This carefully annotated book introduces Williams to a new generation of readers.<br></p> </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-15985922490361435352009-11-29T03:41:00.000-08:002009-11-29T03:52:42.692-08:00Violent Politics or The CEO of the Sofa<h4>Violent Politics: A History of Insurgency, Terrorism, and Guerilla War, from the American Revolution to Iraq </h4> <p>Author: <strong>William R Polk</strong> <p><p><p> In the current Middle East, insurgency tactics are used with frequency and increasing success. But guerrilla war-fare is not just the tool of modern-day terrorists. Its roots stretch back to our very own revolution. </p> <p> In <i>Violent Politics</i>, William Polk takes us on a concise, brilliant tour of insurgencies throughout history, starting with the American struggle for independence, when fighters had to battle against both the British and the loyalists, those colonists who sided with the monarchy. Instinctively, in a way they probably wouldn't have described as a coherent strategy, the rebel groups employed the tactics of insurgency. </p> <p> From there, Polk explores the role of insurgency in several other notable conflicts, including the Spanish guerrilla war against Napoleon, the Irish struggle for independence, the Algerian War of National Independence, and Vietnam. He eventually lands at the present day, where the lessons of this history are needed more than ever as Americans engage in ongoing campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq—and beyond. </p> </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>A captivating but disquieting examination of how insurgencies begin, grow, persist and either succeed or fail. Former State Department advisor Polk (The Birth of America: From Before Columbus to the Revolution, 2006, etc.) accompanies a dozen accounts of national uprisings with eye-opening and remarkably similar explanations of their history. Initially, insurgents are too few for organized resistance so they fight as terrorists-American colonists' opposition to British taxation in the 1770s qualifies. When the dominant government tries to suppress terrorism, it inevitably disrupts lives and kills innocent bystanders, thereby producing recruits seeking vengeance. Vicious Nazi reprisals, executing hundreds of civilians to avenge a single German soldier, only fed resistance in Yugoslavia, Russia and Greece. Despite a policy of not harming civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan, America's immense firepower has accomplished the same thing. To succeed, a growing insurgency must win recognition as the nationalist movement. Ho Chi Minh's forces had achieved this by 1945, Polk concludes, so American intervention was doomed from the start. Insurgents fail if, like the Irish Republican Army and the Basque separatists, they don't win over most of their countrymen, and full-blown insurgencies disrupt the administration of the dominant power. By the 1960s, the Viet Cong had murdered so many local officials that South Vietnam's government virtually ceased to function outside Saigon. The American colonies' committees of safety expelled British officials and loyalists and set up their own local governments. After listing insults directed at insurgents (bandits, thugs, terrorists, anarchists, communists,religious fanatics), the author convincingly drives home his point: Nationalism trumps ideology. Marshall Tito in Yugoslavia was communist, but almost all his fighters simply hated Germans. Most Iraqi insurgents are no more religious than the average citizen. Once people see their rulers as foreign or dominated by foreigners, an insurgency that has achieved national acceptance is essentially unbeatable. Readers hoping America can win hearts and minds in Iraq and Afghanistan will find no encouragement here. A lucid, absorbing analysis of the theory and reality underpinning three centuries of insurgent movements. </p><br><br> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://marketing-textbooks.blogspot.com/2009/11/fireside-politics-or-perspectives-on.html">Fireside Politics or Perspectives on Organizational Communication</a></strong> <h4>The CEO of the Sofa </h4> <p>Author: <strong>P J ORourk</strong> <p><p><P>New York Times bestselling author P.J. O'Rourke has toured the fighting in Bosnia, visited the West Bank disguised as P.J. of Arabia, lobbed one-liners on the battlefields of the Gulf War, and traded quips with Communist rebels in the jungles of the Philippines. Now in The CEO of the Sofa, he embarks on a mission to the most frightening place of all - his own home. Ensconced on the domestic boardroom's throne (although not supposed to put his feet on the cushions), he faces a three-year-old who wants a cell phone, a freelance career devoted to writing articles like "Chewing-Mouth Dogs Bring Hope to People with Eating Disorders," and neighbors who smell like Democrats ("That is, using smell as a transitive verb. When I light a cigar they wave their hands in front of their faces and pretend to cough."). Undaunted - with the help of martinis - by middle age, P.J. holds forth on everything from getting toddlers to sleep ("Advice to parents whose kids love the story of the dinosaurs: Don't give away the surprise ending") to why Hillary Clinton's election victory was a good thing ("We Republicans were almost out of people to hate in the Senate. Teddy Kennedy is just too old and fat to pick on").<br><br>And P.J. leaps (well, groans and pushes himself up) from the couch to pursue assignments such as a high-speed drive across the ugliest part of India at the hottest time of the year, a blind (drunk) wine tasting with Christopher Buckley, and a sojourn at the U.N. Millennial Summit, where he runs the risk of perishing from boredom and puts readers in peril of laughing themselves to death. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>Not content to rest on his laurels, the bestselling humorist O'Rourke (All the Trouble in the World, etc.) instead settles back on his caustic couch to offer a wide-angled worldview from his own living room, his salon of sarcasm. He introduces readers to his assistant, friends, family and smart-aleck babysitter, as he reflects on such topics as cell phones ("People are willing to interrupt anything, including hiding under the bed, to answer a cell phone"), Christmas catalogues, Instant Messaging, MP3s, Nasdaq, toddlers, TV and how the "Gettysburg Address" would have turned out if written on an iMac. On a serious note, he praises the "philosophical legerdemain" of Hunter Thompson's Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas. He also reviews the "profound cogitations" of Hillary Clinton's 1995 It Takes a Village ("Some kinds of stupidity cannot be faked"), compares Vegas's Venetian resort to the real Venice ("Will video poker ever inspire a novella by Thomas Mann?") and contemplates the results of bias-free language ("What a piece of work is person!"). For "senior-management types," one hilarious chapter explains youth culture and current celebs, including Moby, Eminem, Carson Daly, Hilary Swank and Beck: "Beck dropped out of school after junior high so we can't blame the dot-com mess on him personally." Though his vitriolic wit is couched in humor that elicits the gamut from giggles to guffaws, O'Rourke never cushions its impact. The comedic crescendo is his centerpiece, a summary of mankind's achievements at millennium's end. This insightful (yet also funny) essay alone is worth the price of admission. (Sept.) Forecast: The 150,000 first printing is backed up with an appealing cover photo, a $150,000promotional budget, a national ad campaign, an 18-city author tour plus online promotion. O'Rourke will undoubtedly find himself on the bestseller list again. Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>In The CEO of the Sofa, O'Rourke shows that while he may be having trouble remembering the story of his life, he certainly hasn't lost one iota of his wit. He uses this book to point out, with heaps of sarcasm, the horrors of the cell phone, the UN, MP3 files, and childbirth. When his alterego, the political nut, takes over, you know which way the chad will fall as he discusses the absurdities of recent political history. O'Rourke has a gift for taking a mundane assignment and turning it into the funniest story you've ever heard and he does this nonstop. His tale on traveling through India is worth the price of the program. And who else would think of doing an essay on blind-drunk wine tasting? The author's humor works on both sides of the political aisle, and to make it even better, Dick Hill's performance is perfect. Highly recommended for all libraries we can all use a laugh these days. Theresa Connors, Arkansas Tech Univ., Russellville Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>O'Rourke (Eat the Rich, 1998, etc.), sharpest of the right-wing comic writers-not a populous gang, to be sure-this time stays at home to deliver his caustic, frequently malevolent commentary. The stock characters who help the this domestic Republican Dagwood launch miscellaneous brickbats at "dupes," "bakeheads," "nooky-moochers," "hair farmers," "bird-brains," and a "hay-breath" include a clever spouse, assistant Max, a couple of offspring, and a teenage neighbor. There are a dozen chapters with monthly headings, though there's little relation to monthly events, in which O'Rourke unloads on disparate topics. Of course, there's the UN, Social Security, and Third Way Economics (with help from the Cato Institute). There's much ad hominem about the Clintons. (He alludes to the distaff Clinton as "that she-ape from New York State.") There are digressions regarding drugs, booze, art, and business management as well as connubial and parental matters. For no special reason, there is also a long, patently recycled piece about India. Venice as presented in Las Vegas is preferred to the Italian original. He proposes a campaign for a politically correct cause ("Slogan: 'Alzheimer's-Fergedaboutdit!' ") and waxes kind of enthusiastic about cigars (though a beat behind the craze). Throughout, O'Rourke is as self-assured as any New York mayor, grandly dissing any ideology insufficiently libertarian. Sometimes it's quite funny and sometimes, like the wine-tasting parody, it has no nose, no legs-it's simply jejune. One natural target for any other professional political japester, George W. Bush, is never approached-but no surprise there. By the final entry, for August 2001, the rant is no more thanbile. Conservatively speaking, O'Rourke's current patchwork is not up to his previous entries. But as Dave Barry's goofy, evil twin, he's still funnier than Pat Buchanan or Arianna Huffington. First printing of 150,000; $150,000 ad/promo; author tour </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Acknowledgments</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">XIII</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter I</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">September 2000</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Oliver Wendell Holmes has been agreeing with the CEO's opinions for nearly one hundred and fifty years</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's wife does so less frequently</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO speaks on the subject of mobile phones in the manner of a 1959 curmudgeon inveighing against transistor radios</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Imagine if cheap devices to broadcast noise for idiots had allowed idiots to broadcast noise in return</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The UN is visited--a nice enough place until it was discovered by foreigners</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter II</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">October 2000</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">24</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO considers stock market investments and decides that risk may be involved</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">His wife suggests getting a job but wonders if anything is available in the field of monkey business</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO considers employment and decides that work may be involved</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">He conceives a brilliant idea for making his fortune by thinking like a toddler but cannot find a play group with a wet bar</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter III</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">November 2000</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">44</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The candidates for the 2000 presidential election are given a thorough examination although the mainstream media are allowed to do the part involving a check for prostate enlargement</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The mainstream media encounter themselves up there</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Hillary Clinton is praised for her abilities as a GOP fund-raiser</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Political Nut, who often shows up in the CEO's household during the cocktail hour, thinks eBay could make political corruption more market-oriented</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter IV</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">December 2000</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">62</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO argues that Las Vegas is superior to Venice as a vacation destination--having found himself in better shape after being pulled over in traffic by the Nevada Highway Patrol than he was after being pulled out of a canal by the Italian carabinieri</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Christmas gifts are chosen</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO carefully inspects the catalog from Blunderwear--lingerie that would be a mistake for anyone other than the catalog models</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Hillary Clinton is embraced again--not, thank goodness, in her lingerie</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO attempts to bring modern ideas of caring and compassion to great works of literature but discovers that banning the death penalty ruins many masterpieces</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">At the end of A Tale of Two Cities, Sidney Carton has to explain to his parole officer that he's become a better person</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter V</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">January 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">77</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Decadence is pondered and found to be a rotten old idea</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO begins an essay on how to get properly inebriated but realizes he has important research to do</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">He embarks, with his friend Chris Buckley, on a blind (drunk) wine tasting, the results of which have to be carried home flat on their backs in an SUV</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Political Nut beats a dead horse but Bill Clinton keeps whinnying</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The impeachment is fondly remembered, and plans are made for a Bill Clinton/Ken Starr reunion tour</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO meditates upon hypocrisy and decides that you can't fake it</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter VI</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">February 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">108</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO is perplexed by the quantitative nature of modern celebrity and wonders how many times Thomas De Quincey would have to be arrested for opium eating to become as famous as Robert Downey, Jr.</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO is--thanks to the miracle of modern car alarms--able to teach his teenage godson how to parallel park by sonar</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO lectures his young assistant on the virtues of the automobile: Consider having a hot date and needing to borrow your father's feet</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter VII</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">March 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">136</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO intends to write his memoirs but forgets</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">He helps with his godson's homework instead, asking, "What's all this argle-bargle about the loss of certainty in modern mathematics? I was never able to get anything to add up the same way twice."</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO explains the concept of "spring break" to his godson who hears the lyrics of "Where the Boys Are" with disbelief and disputes the idea that Connie Francis and George Hamilton were ever teenagers</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter VIII</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">April 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">159</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Democrats next door are vanquished by the CEO's logic and are forced to resort to low political tactics such as not letting the CEO borrow their string trimmer</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">As an Oprah guest, Hitler is suggested: a larger-than-life personality who wrote a popular book about his struggle with personal issues</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO argues against legalizing drugs, now that the statute of limitation has expired on his behavior in the 1960s</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Then the CEO argues in favor of legalizing drugs, if the federal government promises not to tell his wife</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter IX</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">May 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">178</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A new baby-sitter arrives on the scene causing romantic disturbance--for those in love with Keynesian economic assumptions</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO reveals his secret for avoiding stardom as a television commentator</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO holds forth on the proponents of Earth Day and declares them "Dirt of the Earth."</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Counsel is consulted and a brief is filed on missile defense</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO prefers a plea of guilty rather than nolo contendere</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's baby-sitter and young assistant are chastised for swiping tunes with MP3 technology--especially since none of the tunes swiped is "Volare" or "Moon River."</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">San Francisco passes a law forbidding discrimination against the fat, and the CEO is outraged that the lazy aren't included</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter X</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">June 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">203</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A blessed event occurs consisting of the arrival, in plain brown wrapper, of cigars from Cuba</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's wife has a baby, too</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's godson finds there are difficulties in dating a young lady who can do risk-analysis computations</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Breast feeding is an excellent method of getting a big baby to sleep, but the CEO is up in the middle of the night anyway</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The second anniversary of the air war in Kosovo is celebrated with suitable pomp</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO declares the e-mail fad has run its course and buys stock in the Mimeograph corporation</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Wives are praised for not killing their husbands, particularly the husband the CEO's wife is married to</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter XI</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">July 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">225</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">India is traversed and the wild Indians are ... well, let's just say Dancing with Wolves got it all wrong</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO proposes that an inexpensive second honeymoon could be had right in the living room if a second bottle of scotch can be procured</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's wife goes in search of the keys to the gun cabinet</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Chapter XII</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">August 2001</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">247</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's godson's sister experiences rather more enlightenment than can stand the light of day</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Political Nut counters with a more sensitive and less judgmental upgrade of the Ten Commandments</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Good feelings prevail</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Political Nut decides to apologize for all the horrible things he's said about Democrats--especially the true things</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The baby-sitter tutors the CEO's godson in the higher mathematics of: [characters not reproducible]</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's young assistant gets a real job</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Hunter S. Thompson is shown, through rigorous textual analysis of Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, to be a heck of a nice guy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The CEO's wife gets the CEO to shut up</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A happy ending is had by all</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-91080331251037827572009-11-27T22:30:00.000-08:002009-11-27T22:40:46.683-08:00Regions and Powers or Global Oil Market<h4>Regions and Powers: The Structure of International Security </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Barry Buzan</strong> <p><p><P>Asserting that regional patterns of security are increasingly important in international politics, this study presents a detailed account of relations between global powers. It emphasizes their relationship with the regional security complexes which make up the contemporary international system. The book analyzes Africa, the Balkans, Eastern and Western Europe, East Asia, the Middle East, North America and South Asia, tracing the history of each region through the present. </p><br><br> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://cakes-book.blogspot.com">The Home Science Cook Book or Amanda Rorys Favorite Recipes</a></strong> <h4>Global Oil Market: Risks and Uncertainties </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Anthony H Cordesman</strong> <p><p>The future of energy is of enormous strategic importance, and the current energy market faces major uncertainties and risks. The goal of this study is to provide a risk assessment of the global oil market. Cordesman and Al-Rodhan study six major oil-producing regions of the world: the Middle East, Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Europe and Eurasia, North America, and South and Central America. In each case, the authors outline national oil developments and focus on four major areas of risks and uncertainties: macroeconomic fluctuations, geopolitical risks, oil production uncertainties, and the nature of resources.<P>In addition to these uncertainties, the authors study the effect of robust energy modeling by agencies such as the International Energy Agency and the Energy Information Agency. They argue that rigorous, transparent, and credible analysis can improve understanding of the global energy markets and help provide policymakers with the tools needed to forge sound and realistic energy policies.<P><I>The Global Oil Market</I> is the first study of its kind to look at the totality of production, resource, and geopolitical risks faced by the world's oil-producing regions. In addition, Cordesman and Al-Rodhan look toward the future and how to best manage these uncertainties and risks. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-39389717879031065722009-11-26T17:18:00.000-08:002009-11-26T17:29:06.361-08:00American Media Politics in Transition or Generalist Social Work Practice<h4>American Media Politics in Transition </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Jeremy D Mayer</strong> <p><p>Part of the McGraw-Hill <I>Critical Topics in American Government</I> series, <I>American Media Politics in Transition</I> blends coverage of the historical evolution of American political journalism with theories about its current practice and the emerging technological changes that have begun to bring media power back to the people. Its flexible, self-contained chapters feature discussion questions, suggestions for further readings, online resources, and a list of key terms and figures - all of which come together to make this an ideal supplement for any introductory American Government course, as well as courses on the media and communications. </p><br><br> <p>Books about: <strong><a href="http://chocolate-books.blogspot.com/2009/02/complete-book-of-vegetarian-recipes-or.html">Complete Book of Vegetarian Recipes or Seasoned With Words a Cookbook</a></strong> <h4>Generalist Social Work Practice: An Empowering Approach </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Karla Krogsrud Miley</strong> <p><p><P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B>Overview:</B></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B>The fifth edition of this innovative text continues to emphasize a generalist, empowerment-oriented approach, along with practice strategies and techniques for working toward individual client and social change.</B></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B> </B></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B>Highlights of the Fifth Edition:</B></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">· The integration of material on practice, human behavior, policy, and research makes this text a unifying piece of any social work curriculum and a good fit for the new CSWE Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">· New boxes in each chapter highlight the connection between practice, policy, and research.</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">· Sensitizes students to human diversity and ways to increase cultural competence in practice.</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">· The comprehensive instructor's manual and test bank, written by the authors, completely outlines the book and offers activities, exercises, and handouts for each chapter.</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B>What Reviewers Are Saying:</B></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">“The major strengths of this text include the following: (1) a generalist framework that reflects the multi-faceted nature of contemporary social work practice; (2) an empowerment-orientedapproach that views clients as partners in the helping process; (3) a readable style that is accessible to a broad audience; (4) fundamental concepts that are applicable to a wide range of social work practice environments.”</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><I>--Andrew Scharlach, University of California–Berkeley </I></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px">“Overall, I consider this to be an excellent text. The best one I have yet found for use in teaching generalist practice concepts, process, and methods….”</P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><I>--Cynthia Bishop, Meredith College</I></P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"> </P> <P style="MARGIN: 0px"><B>[ ]</B></P> </I></B></LI></UL> </p><h4>Booknews</h4><p>Focusing on collaboration, a textbook discusses empowering processes that generalist social workers use with clients at the micro-, mid- and macrolevels of practice. Topics include the strengths perspective, cultural sensitivity, the process of creating alliances, ways to identify client system strengths and environmental resources, and methods for implementing and stabilizing change efforts. The authors maintain that an empowerment-based approach can enhance human functioning and promote social justice. Annotation c. by Book News, Inc., Portland, Or. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Generalist social work practice</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">3</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The ecosystems perspective</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">24</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Values and multicultural competence</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">53</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Strengths and empowerment</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">79</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">An empowering approach to generalist practice</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">103</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Forming partnerships</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">129</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Articulating situations</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">158</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">8</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Defining directions</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">189</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">9</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Identifying strengths</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">219</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">10</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Assessing resource capabilities</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">248</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">11</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Framing solutions</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">288</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">12</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Activating resources</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">319</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">13</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Creating alliances</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">351</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">14</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Expanding opportunities</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">384</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">15</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Recognizing success</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">409</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">16</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Integrating gains</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">436</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">App</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">NASW code of ethics</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">465</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-79687361932897149352009-11-25T12:06:00.000-08:002009-11-25T12:17:18.369-08:00My Rise and Fall or Armed America<h4>My Rise and Fall </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Benito Mussolini</strong> <p><p>Here for the first time in one volume, are two rare autobiographical works by Benito Mussolini (1883-1945), founder of Fascism and Italian dictator for 21 years. The first volume (published in English in 1928 as My Autobiography) describes in the Duce's own inimitable voice his youth, years as an agitator and journalist, experiences in World War I (including his severe wounding), the formation and revolutionary struggles of the Fascist Party, the March on Rome, and his early years in power. The second volume (published in English in 1948 as The Fall of Mussolini) was written during the brief period between his rescue by the Germans in September 1943 and his execution by Italian partisans in April 1945. The Duce retreats to the safe (but psychologically revealing) distance of the third person in describing his last year in power and the coup d'etat that deposed him. My Rise and Fall allows readers to view the dictator from two unique vantage points: Il Duce, eyes on the horizon, chin thrust forward, as he nears his political zenith; and Mussolini at his nadir, a desperate, powerless, sawdust Caesar, soon to be shot and hanged, head down, for all to scorn. </p><h4>NY Times Book Review</h4><p>[A work] of extraordinary interest and importance. </p><h4>NY Times Book Review</h4><p>[A work] of extraordinary interest and importance.</p><br><br> <p>New interesting book: <strong><a href="http://congress-books.blogspot.com">Gods Long Summer or Financial Institutions Markets and Money 10e</a></strong> <h4>Armed America: The Remarkable Story of How and Why Guns Became as American as Apple Pie </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Clayton E Cramer</strong> <p><p>In this true story of our nation's love affair with firearms, Clayton E. Cramer debunks the myths and takes readers along a winding historical trail full of surprising revelations and riveting anecdotes, explaining the roots of America's gun culture. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>Cramer, an adjunct lecturer in history at Boise State University and George Fox University, took on Michael Bellesiles even before his book Arming America was discredited, and now goes further to prove wrong Bellesiles's claim that guns were uncommon in early America. Cramer finds that guns "were the norm" in that period, people relied on guns to hunt, and gun ownership was key to the success of colonial militias. His most intriguing argument is that, as they became "tied to defending political rights," guns also became a symbol of citizenship. Cramer draws on many primary sources, from newspaper accounts to probate records, and compiles impressive data supporting his case. Still, he misses many opportunities for analysis and interpretation. For example, he finds that it was "not terribly unusual" for free women to own guns, but offers no nuanced discussion of what said gun ownership tells us about gender roles. His attack on academia-which, in Cramer's view, has been blinded by ideology and excludes political conservatives-distracts from his central theme and will only alienate pro-gun-control readers, leaving him with an equally narrow, if opposite, readership. (Feb. 6) Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-59257766068915657812009-02-21T20:31:00.000-08:002009-02-21T20:38:12.033-08:00This House Has Fallen or When States Fail<h4>This House Has Fallen: Nigeria in Crisis </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Karl Maier</strong> <p><p>To understand Africa, you have to understand Nigeria, and few Americans understand Nigeria better than Karl Maier. In the tradition of Philip Gourevitch's bestselling <I>We Regret to Inform You</I>... and Redmond O'Hanlon's <I>No Mercy, This House Has Fallen</I> is a bracing, disturbing, evocative report on the state of Africa's most populous, potentially richest, and most dangerously dysfunctional nation.<p> Each year, with depressing consistency, Nigeria is declared the most corrupt state in the entire world. A nation into which billions of dollars of oil money flow, Nigeria's per capita income has dramatically fallen in the past two decades. All of the money has been stolen by elites. Also stolen has been democracy. Nigeria's leaders tend to elect themselves, often with the help of a gun. Military coup follows military coup. A rare democratic election is often merely a prelude to the next seizure of power by a general who wants greater access to the state's rapidly depleted vaults. A country of rising ethnic tensions and falling standards of living, Nigeria is a bellwether for Africa. And yet some think it is on the verge of utter collapse, a collapse that could overshadow even the massacres in Rwanda.<P> A brilliant piece of reportage and travel writing, this book looks into the Nigerian abyss and comes away with insight, profound conclusions, and even some hope. </p><h4>Africa Confidential - Patrick Smith</h4><p>Maier deftly combines history, journalism, and a novelist's eye for detail to tell the Nigerian story, but most of all he lets the country's diverse and energetic voices speak for themselves.</p><h4>Financial Times - Michael Holman</h4><p>If you care about Africa, if you are fearful for its future, baffled by its complexity, astonished by its resilience, read <I>This House Has Fallen</I> by Karl Maier. Few reporters can match the author's capacity to get to the heart of a nation and assess the hopes and fears of its people.</p><h4>Booklist</h4><p>Maier (author of the internationally well-received <I>Into the House of the Ancestors</I>, 1998) explores the promise and paradox of Nigeria, a nation of fractious ethnic groups, legendary corruption, and bountiful resources, overseen by dictators for all but 0 years since its independence in 1960….This is a revealing look at a complex and troubled nation. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>Maier puts a human face on a disheartening situation that seems remote and impersonal to most Americans. </p><h4>The Economist - Richard Dowden</h4><p>To most of us Nigeria is a mysterious country, hot, scary, and a long way off. Coolly, clearly, Maier tells its extraordinary story; sometimes horrifying, often hilarious, never boring. If it offers little hope for Nigeria, this book inspires admiration for the resilience, resourcefulness, and humanity of Nigerians. The best book on contemporary Africa for years.</p><h4>Booknews</h4><p>It has become a clich<'e> that Nigeria is the most corrupt nation in Africa, even in the world <-->a nation receiving billions of petrodollars while 90 percent of the populace slogs through poverty thick as oil; a country so shot through by repeated military coups and political corruption it faces collapse. Maier, a reporter with a respectable list of books and journal articles behind him, introduces readers to Nigeria's military leaders, its soldiers for democracy, and its peoples<-->the Igbos, Yorubas, Hausas, Fulanis, Tivs, and Ijaws. Through them, conflicts are investigated: that between Big Oil and the Ijaw and the Ogoni (recall the story of Ken Saro- Wiwa), between Christians and Muslims in Northern Nigeria over the move to impose Islamic law, and Yoruban youth in Lagos demanding a separate Yoruban state. Geared toward a generally educated, rather than an academic audience. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com) </p><h4>Financial Times - Michael Holman</h4><p>If you care about Africa, if you are fearful for its future, baffled by its complexity, astonished by its resilience, read This House Has Fallen by Karl Maier . . . Few reporters can match the author's capacity to get to the heart of a nation and assess the hopes and fears of its people.</p><h4>Mother Jones</h4><p>With a firm grasp of Nigeria's embattled past -- military coups, secessionist uprisings, clashes in the oil-rich Niger River Delta -- Maier examines the nation's cracked foundation and broken pillars. </p><h4>The Economist - Richard Dowden</h4><p>To most of us Nigeria is a mysterious country, hot, scary and a long way off. Cooly, clearly, Maier tells its extraordinary story; sometimes horrifying, often hilarious, never boring. If it offers little hope for Nigeria, this book inspires admiration for the resilience, resourcefulness and humanity of Nigerians. The best book on contemporary Africa for years.</p><h4>Business Week</h4><p>. . . <i> THIS HOUSE HAS FALLEN</i> is the absorbing, heartbreaking story of Nigeria from its creation in 1960 through forty years of failure and disappointment to a time of renewal--apparent renewal, we had better say. Maier's firm grip on history and keen journalistic eye produce an analysis that is grimly realistic. [He] captures the sorrows and laughter of a nation that is desperate and resilient all at once. </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>Vivid scenes from a potential meltdown, as veteran Africa reporter Maier (Into the House of the Ancestors, 1997) gives the history of Nigeria and suggests that regional tensions and pervasive corruption threaten its survival. Like many journalists, Maier is at his best when reporting on events or interviewing newsmakers and ordinary citizens. He is less successful at making those incisive connections that transform reportage into history. Nigeria, which he describes as "perhaps the largest failed state in the Third World," was only formed in 1914, when the British united the tribes of the Niger delta with those of the north and central region. These tribes had, and continue to have, little in common: the northerners are mostly Muslim and (because they dominate the military) have led most of the post-independence governments that seized power unconstitutionally. Delta tribes like the Ogoni were once enriched by trade—first in slaves and then in palm oil—but they have lately failed to benefit from the oil discovered in the region. The central tribes, mostly Christian, resent the role of the northerners in the coups that have roiled Nigeria, and their efforts to establish Muslim law—the Sharia. Maier visits each region and talks with its leaders and community activists. He meets General Babangida (whose decision to annul elections in 1993 provoked a national crisis) and the family of noted writer and Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa (who was executed in 1995 despite an international outcry). He notes that although Nigeria has earned $280 billion from its oil, at least half the population is poor and lacks access to clean water. Literacy is below that of the DemocraticRepublic ofCongo, and a wealthy ten percent enrich themselves at the expense of the rest. The current ruler, former General Obasanjo, was democratically elected in 1999, and Maier believes (although he is unable to convey much conviction after this depressing litany) that he represents Nigeria's last chance to avoid falling apart. A quick and lively study that doesn't dig too deep.<P> </p><br><br> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://computer-animation-book.blogspot.com">Foundation Form Creation with Adobe LiveCycle Designer ES or How to Write and Publish Your Own eBook in as Little as 7 Days</a></strong> <h4>When States Fail: Causes and Consequences </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Robert I Rotberg</strong> <p><p><P>Since 1990, more than 10 million people have been killed in the civil wars of failed states, and hundreds of millions more have been deprived of fundamental rights. The threat of terrorism has only heightened the problem posed by failed states. <i>When States Fail</i> is the first book to examine how and why states decay and what, if anything, can be done to prevent them from collapsing. It defines and categorizes strong, weak, failing, and collapsed nation-states according to political, social, and economic criteria. And it offers a comprehensive recipe for their reconstruction.<P>The book comprises fourteen essays by leading scholars and practitioners who help structure this disparate field of research, provide useful empirical descriptions, and offer policy recommendations. Robert Rotberg's substantial opening chapter sets out a theory and taxonomy of state failure. It is followed by two sets of chapters, the first on the nature and correlates of failure, the second on methods of preventing state failure and reconstructing those states that do fail. Economic jump-starting, legal refurbishing, elections, the demobilizing of ex-combatants, and civil society are among the many topics discussed.<P>All of the essays are previously unpublished. In addition to Rotberg, the contributors include David Carment, Christopher Clapham, Nat J. Colletta, Jeffrey Herbst, Nelson Kasfir, Michael T. Klare, Markus Kostner, Terrence Lyons, Jens Meierhenrich, Daniel N. Posner, Susan Rose-Ackerman, Donald R. Snodgrass, Nicolas van de Walle, Jennifer A. Widner, and Ingo Wiederhofer.<P> </p><h4>Foreign Affairs</h4><p>The failure of nation-states is nothing new. But in the age of global terrorism, the consequences of state failure for the international order are potentially much more damaging than ever before. This volume brings together experts to explore the problem of weak states in the developing world and to offer ideas about how to strengthen rights and rule. It is most useful in providing a framework for diagnosing the ailments that afflict states in various stages of decay in Africa, Asia, and Latin America: weak states fail to provide key public goods such as security, law, property rights, banks, schools, and hospitals; failed states (Mobutu Sese Seko's Zaire, the Taliban's Afghanistan) are characterized by chronic violence, corruption, deteriorating infrastructure, and predatory ruling regimes; and in collapsed states (Lebanon in the 1970s, Somalia in the 1980s, Nigeria and Sierra Leone in the 1990s), rule by the gun wipes away any pretense of public authority.<p>The authors identify many causes of state failure, but almost all cases are associated with civil violence and the rise of warring nonstate groups flush with revenue from minerals or narcotics. The international community can often help resuscitate failed states by sponsoring elections and committing to long-term security protection. But several contributors warn that, in the worst instances, major powers and the United Nations must be willing to "decertify" failed states while parties disarm and the country is put back together. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">List of Maps</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Preface</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Failure and Collapse of Nation-States: Breakdown, Prevention, and Repair</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Pt. 1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Causes and Prevention of Failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">51</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Domestic Anarchy, Security Dilemmas, and Violent Predation: Causes of Failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">53</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Global-Local Politics of State Decay</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">77</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Economic Correlates of State Failure: Taxes, Foreign Aid, and Policies</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">94</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Deadly Connection: Paramilitary Bands, Small Arms Diffusion, and State Failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">116</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Prevention State Failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">135</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">Pt. 2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Post-Failure Resuscitation of Nation-States</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">151</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Forming States after Failure</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">153</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">8</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration: Lessons and Liabilities in Reconstruction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">170</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">9</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Establishing the Rule of Law</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">182</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">10</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Building Effective Trust in the Aftermath of Severe Conflict</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">222</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">11</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Civil Society and the Reconstruction of Failed States</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">237</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">12</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Restoring Economic Functioning in Failed States</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">256</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">13</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Transforming the Institutions of War: Postconflict Elections and the Reconstruction of Failed States</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">269</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">14</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Let Them Fail: State Failure in Theory and Practice: Implications for Policy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">302</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Contributors</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">319</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Index</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">323</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-64825797903291232452009-02-20T15:19:00.000-08:002009-02-20T15:26:11.669-08:00Fear of Small Numbers or The Way Home<h4>Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Arjun Appadurai</strong> <p><p>The period since 1989 has been marked by the global endorsement of open markets, the free flow of finance capital and liberal ideas of constitutional rule, and the active expansion of human rights. Why, then, in this era of intense globalization, has there been a proliferation of violence, of ethnic cleansing on the one hand and extreme forms of political violence against civilian populations on the other? <p></p> Fear of Small Numbers is Arjun Appadurai’s answer to that question. A leading theorist of globalization, Appadurai turns his attention to the complex dynamics fueling large-scale, culturally motivated violence, from the genocides that racked Eastern Europe, Rwanda, and India in the early 1990s to the contemporary “war on terror.” Providing a conceptually innovative framework for understanding sources of global violence, he describes how the nation-state has grown ambivalent about minorities at the same time that minorities, because of global communication technologies and migration flows, increasingly see themselves as parts of powerful global majorities. By exacerbating the inequalities produced by globalization, the volatile, slippery relationship between majorities and minorities foments the desire to eradicate cultural difference. <p></p> Appadurai analyzes the darker side of globalization: suicide bombings; anti-Americanism; the surplus of rage manifest in televised beheadings; the clash of global ideologies; and the difficulties that flexible, cellular organizations such as Al-Qaeda present to centralized, “vertebrate” structures such as national governments. Powerful, provocative, and timely, Fear of Small Numbers is a thoughtful invitation to rethink what violence is in an age of globalization.</p><h4>What People Are Saying</h4><p><strong>Charles Taylor</strong><br>"Arjun Appadurai is already known as the author of striking new formulations which have greatly illuminated contemporary global developments, notably in Modernity at Large. In this new book, he tackles the most burning and perplexing problems of collective violence which beset us today. The book is alive with new and original ideas, essential food for thought not just for scholars, but for all concerned with these issues."<br>—<i>author of Modern Social Imaginaries </i></p><br><p><strong>Partha Chatterjee</strong><br>"In this book, Appadurai follows up Modernity at Large with a look into the seamy side of globalization. Analysing the growing inequalities and endemic violence of the past decade, he still sees signs of hope in less noticed trends of 'globalization from below.' These are important new thoughts from an influential thinker of our times."<br>—<i>Director, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, and Professor of Anthropology, Columbia University, New York</i></p><br><br><br> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://science-applications.blogspot.com">Geekonomics or Murachs Visual Basic 2005</a></strong> <h4>The Way Home: A German Childhood, an American Life </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Ernestine Bradley</strong> <p><p>In this moving and candid memoir we meet Ernestine Bradley, the wife of former senator and presidential hopeful Bill Bradley. She stood out among Senate wives: a German-born lover of languages and a transplant to America, Ernestine had a full-time career in New Jersey as a professor of comparative literature, commuted weekly to Washington, D.C., and ran two households—she was in constant motion. <br>As the book opens, Ernestine takes us to the small town of Passau, Germany, her childhood home, offering a vivid picture of ordinary German life during the Nazi period and just after World War II. As kids on the loose while the fathers were away at war and the mothers were working, Ernestine and her pals explored the town’s winding alleys and its three rivers, experiencing a sense of adventure and freedom (despite the privations of war) that would be a touchstone throughout her life. Ernestine vividly describes how she came to see opportunity in defeat as she watched the American troops roll through her little town; this was a primal moment that helped her to face everything that was to come. We follow her as she leaves West Germany, lands a glamorous job as an airline stewardess, and arrives in America, where she marries unhappily and divorces before finally meeting the basketball star and future senator. We watch their romance become an inspiring marriage of equals, his steadiness the perfect complement to her passionate, sometimes flaring nature, as their lives are soon crowded with family, the demands of their individual careers, politics, and, finally, Ernestine’s fight with breast cancer. <br>This is a wonderful, inspiring story from a woman who hastriumphed—both publicly and personally—against great odds. It is also the introduction to an exuberant voice, one that invites us to reflect on all that we have and on how far we may have to travel to find our way home. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>"Memories, to me, are like illuminated islands floating in an ocean of darkness," begins Bradley's memoir. Wife of Bill Bradley, the former senator and candidate for the 2000 presidential election, Ernestine Bradley recounts her rocky childhood in Germany during and after WWII and her move to the U.S. as an adult. Bradley's recollections of her childhood and adolescence in Germany provide an insightful portrait of a family in flux during the Nazi regime, but the flow of emotion is often interrupted by unnecessary parenthetical comments and uncertainty (e.g., "This I don't remember, but it makes sense"). Bradley's parents' intense-and at times unconventional-relationship is a focal point of the author's childhood confusion and adolescent resentment, and inspires heartfelt descriptions. Her strength is apparent as she describes her flight from the confines of her family-appropriately enough as an airline flight attendant-and her subsequent challenges as a wife, mother, academic (in the field of comparative literature) and breast cancer survivor. Her descriptions of her later life are short but accurately relay the difficulties she dealt with as a woman balancing a career and a family during the 1960s and '70s. While at times stiff and defensive, Bradley's memoir is a fine portrait of a childhood spent in wartime and an adult's search for true identity. Illus. Agent, Philippa Brophy. (Mar. 1) Copyright 2005 Reed Business Information. </p><h4>Penelope Power - KLIATT</h4><p>Ernestine Bradley's autobiography illustrates the value to the US of immigration. Growing up in Germany during WW II gave her a different outlook; her husband says in his autobiography that his wife "was a child of the defeat." Certainly she had a childhood that no native-born American had to experience. However, the thread throughout her book is not the German experience, but the family experience, a universal story. When she writes about mid-century German history she is clear and concise, as befits a professor of literature. When she writes about her own family, the emotional ties to her mother, father and stepfather, she is not so clear. Certainly her relationship with her mother was the most important influence in her life. The war colored her childhood, even if she did not understand the ramifications of the German defeat until she began teaching at Spellman College in Atlanta, in the early 1960s, after the collapse of her first marriage. She then began to appreciate the universal evil of racism through her growing awareness of the Holocaust: when she was growing up no mention was made of Germany's role in the murder of millions of Jews. The author has had experiences on many fronts, beginning with the care of a younger brother and sister at the end of the war. Breast cancer was diagnosed and treated in the early '90s; she has been cancer-free since. (She continues to talk about breast cancer on the lecture circuit.) She was active and involved in her husband's unsuccessful bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. There is much more to Ernestine Bradley's life than immigration. We do, however, appreciate the determination and contribution of immigrants like her with similarstories to tell. KLIATT Codes: SA—Recommended for senior high school students, advanced students, and adults. 2005, Random House, Anchor, 259p. illus., Ages 15 to adult.</p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>From a childhood in Nazi Germany to work as an airline stewardess to a professorship in comparative literature and marriage to a basketball-playing senator. With a four-city author tour. Copyright 2004 Reed Business Information. </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>The spouse of the former senator from New Jersey speaks about her history and emotional life. In an autobiography characterized by such thoughts, Ernestine Bradley reveals that sometimes she thinks of herself as "a mangrove tree with roots hanging in the air," a conceit prompted principally by her childhood in postwar Germany. What with American soldiers, ersatz sausages, lice, and a truck that was fueled by wood, it seems to have been the worst of times for kleine Wuschi and her family in the Bavarian town of Passau. She had, it appears, two fathers. There was the loving biological one, who was a member of the Luftwaffe, and then there was the hairdresser, a member of the Nazi party, who was a temporary loving father of convenience for a while. It's little wonder that an operatic attitude dominates the first part of this before-and-after story. In the 1950s, when she was 21 (and had excellent language skills), Ernestine emigrated to the US and the excitement of New York, working as a Pan Am stewardess. Soon, she was living in Atlanta, the wife of a physician and the parent of a daughter. But that life didn't work out. Next, divorced and back in New York, she met the smart pro basketball player. She joined the academic world and settled in New Jersey, married to terrific Bill Bradley. He is, she assures us, the best of husbands, especially during her victorious bout with breast cancer. There are certain lacunae, to be sure, with virtually nothing relating to Senator Bill's career or his run for the Oval Office. Rather, here's Oprah-style self-awareness, presented with careful skill. It might not have helped a presidential campaign, anyway. With its bit of Teutonic flavor, this isn't thestory of a typical Jersey Girl-nor is it the most unusual or gripping of revelatory journeys. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-32738308700715472372009-02-19T06:40:00.000-08:002009-02-19T06:47:13.352-08:00Women at War or Publics and Counterpublics<h4>Women at War: Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Conflicts </h4> <p>Author: <strong>James E Wis</strong> <p><p>Today, women in all U.S. military services are involved in the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. They serve as pilots and crewmen of assault helicopters, bombers, fighters, and transport planes, and are frequently engaged in firefights with enemy insurgents while guarding convoys, traveling in hostile territory, or performing military police duties. Like their male counterparts, they carry out their missions with determination and great courage. The advent of the insurgency war, which has no rear or front lines, has made the debate regarding women in combat irrelevant. In such a war zone anyone can be killed or injured at any moment. The stories of these courageous women are told by James E. Wise and Scott Baron, who use a format similar to the one employed with such success in the book Stars in Blue. The profiles of some thirty women and their photographs are included. To record their stories, the authors conducted numerous personal interviews, and in every case Wise and Baron were struck by the women's extraordinary display of dedication to their mission and to the soldiers and sailors with whom they served. Because the service of women in the military has been under reported to date, most of the women included in this book will be unknown to readers and reveal another dimension to the service of women in the desert and the vital role they play in the armed forces. While the book's focus is on today's women in combat, it also reaches back to Vietnam, Korea, and World War II to offer selected stories of inspiring women who served at the "cusp of the spear" as they fought and died for their country. </p><br><br> <p>Book review: <strong><a href="http://desserts-book.blogspot.com/2009/02/merry-baker-of-riga-or-aromas-and.html">The Merry Baker of Riga or Aromas and Flavors of Past and Present</a></strong> <h4>Publics and Counterpublics </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Michael Warner</strong> <p><p><P>Most of the people around us belong to our world not directly, as kin or comrades, but as strangers. How do we recognize them as members of our world? We are related to them as transient participants in common publics. Indeed, most of us would find it nearly impossible to imagine a social world without publics. In the eight essays in this book, Michael Warner addresses the question: What is a public?<br><br>According to Warner, the idea of a public is one of the central fictions of modern life. Publics have powerful implications for how our social world takes shape, and much of modern life involves struggles over the nature of publics and their interrelations. The idea of a public contains ambiguities, even contradictions. As it is extended to new contexts, politics, and media, its meaning changes in ways that can be difficult to uncover.<br><br>Combining historical analysis, theoretical reflection, and extensive case studies, Warner shows how the idea of a public can reframe our understanding of contemporary literary works and politics and of our social world in general. In particular, he applies the idea of a public to the junction of two intellectual traditions: public-sphere theory and queer theory. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-14193075690390701942009-02-18T01:28:00.000-08:002009-02-18T01:35:25.821-08:00War on the Middle Class or Coloniality at Large<h4>War on the Middle Class: How the Government, Big Business, and Special Interest Groups are Waging War on the American Dream and How to Fight Back </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Lou Dobbs</strong> <p> and/or stickers showing their discounted price. More about bargain books</p> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Acknowledgments vii<br>Introduction 1<br>War on the Middle Class 13<br>Class Warfare 23<br>The Best Government Money Can Buy 37<br>The Politics of Deceit 65<br>He Says, She Says 76<br>The Exorbitant Cost of Free Trade 92<br>Exporting America 108<br>Broken Borders 131<br>A Generation of Failure 157<br>Health Care: It's Enough to Make You Sick 173<br>The Best of Intentions 186<br>Taking Back America 197<br>The Declaration of Independence 215<br>The Constitution of the United States 221<br>The Bill of Rights 237<br>The Constitution: Amendments 11-27 241<br>Notes 253<br>Index 269 <p>See also: <strong><a href="http://economic-development-book.blogspot.com">Right from the Beginning or Law as Politics</a></strong> <h4>Coloniality at Large: Latin America and the Postcolonial Debate </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Mabel Morana</strong> <p><p>Postcolonial theory has developed mainly in the U.S. academy, and it has focused chiefly on nineteenth-century and twentieth-century colonization and decolonization processes in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and the Caribbean. Colonialism in Latin America originated centuries earlier, in the transoceanic adventures from which European modernity itself was born. It differs from later manifestations of European expansionism in other ways as well. Coloniality at Large brings together classic and new reflections on the theoretical implications of colonialism in Latin America. By pointing out its particular characteristics, the contributors highlight some of the philosophical and ideological blind spots of contemporary postcolonial theory as they offer a thorough analysis of that theory's applicability to Latin America's past and present.<P>Written by internationally renowned scholars based in Latin America, the United States, and Europe, the essays reflect multiple disciplinary and ideological perspectives. Some are translated into English for the first time. The essays include theoretical reflections, literary criticism, and historical and ethnographic case studies focused on Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico, Brazil, the Andes, and the Caribbean. Contributors highlight the relation of Marxist thought, dependency theory, and liberation theology to Latin Americans' experience of and resistance to coloniality, and they emphasize the critique of Occidentalism and modernity as central to any understanding of the colonial project. Analyzing the many ways that Latin Americans have resisted imperialism and sought emancipation and sovereignty over several centuries, they delve into topics includingviolence, identity, otherness, memory, heterogeneity, and language. Contributors also explore Latin American intellectuals' ambivalence about, or objections to, the "post" in postcolonial; to many, globalization and neoliberalism are the contemporary guises of colonialism in Latin America. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-90363002365911031872009-02-16T20:16:00.000-08:002009-02-16T20:23:53.656-08:00Attack the Messenger or By Order of the President<h4>Attack the Messenger: How Politicians Turn You Against the Media </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Craig Crawford</strong> <p><p>Attack the Messenger is an objective look at the loss of public trust in the news media-and the resulting threat to American democracy. Biased, sloppy, and sometimes deceitful reporting is partly to blame, but this book primarily examines how politicians declared war on the media's role as an honest broker of information-and won. Craig Crawford takes readers who crave truth in news through the power struggle between the government and mainstream media, as well as directs them on how to avoid political propaganda and find the most reliable news sources. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Acknowledgments ix<br>Turning the Tables 1<br>The Setup 3<br>The Sting 4<br>The Fallout 10<br>Media on the Run 11<br>Blame the Messenger 15<br>The Downside of the Media's Fall 17<br>Bring Back Believable Reporting 19<br>Arrogance Is a Blinding Weakness 22<br>Media Wimps 23<br>Standing Up to Power 25<br>A President Lies 29<br>Parse That Sentence 30<br>Choosing to Lie 32<br>That Other West Wing Affair 33<br>"I Did Not Have Sexual Relations..." 37<br>Spinning Lies 43<br>Gambling with the Truth 44<br>The Rewards of Lying 47<br>The History of Propaganda 49<br>Spinning the Drug War 50<br>The Spin Room 52<br>A War Story 59<br>A Press Subdued 61<br>Jefferson and Lincoln against the Press 62<br>The White House Briefing as Performance Art 64<br>The TV Generals 65<br>Who Will Tell the Truth? 73<br>Losing Public Faith 74<br>Dropping the Ball 75<br>Media Glory Days 76<br>Drawing Conclusions 79<br>The "Dover Test" 81<br>The End of an Era 87<br>Rather Moments 90<br>Chilling Effect 90<br>Vietnam Redux 91<br>The Son Rises 96<br>Winners and Losers 97<br>Old Media versus New Media 99<br>A "Huge Assumption" 101<br>At the Mercy of Spin 102<br>Fear in the Newsroom 105<br>The Politicians Win 107<br>Media Culpa 109<br>Struggling to Matter 111<br>My Hate Mail 113<br>Getting It Wrong 117<br>Why I Don't Vote 117<br>Explaining Ourselves 118<br>How to Get the Real Story 121<br>C-SPAN 121<br>The Associated Press 122<br>Public Broadcasting 125<br>Don Imus 126<br>The Gray Ladies 127<br>Ombudsmen and Critics 128<br>The National Networks 128<br>Opinion as News 129<br>Shouting the News 131<br>Cable Watch 132<br>The Internet 134<br>Old Media's Comeback Trail 137<br>What Now? 141<br>Taking the Lead 142<br>Acknowledging Bias 144<br>Politicians on the Loose 145<br>Let Us Be Rude Again 146<br>Keep It between the Ditches 148<br>Poll Watch: Public Confidence in the Press 149<br>Media Resource Guide 155<br>Notes 163<br>Index 173<br>About the Author 181 <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://graphics-software-books.blogspot.com/2009/02/ruby-way-or-mmixware.html">The Ruby Way or Mmixware</a></strong> <h4>By Order of the President: FDR and the Internment of Japanese Americans </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Greg Robinson</strong> <p><p>On February 19, 1942, following the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor and Japanese Army successes in the Pacific, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt signed a fateful order. In the name of security, Executive Order 9066 allowed for the summary removal of Japanese aliens and American citizens of Japanese descent from their West Coast homes and their incarceration under guard in camps. Amid the numerous histories and memoirs devoted to this shameful event, FDR's contributions have been seen as negligible. Now, using Roosevelt's own writings, his advisors' letters and diaries, and internal government documents, Greg Robinson reveals the president's central role in making and implementing the internment and examines not only what the president did but why. <P> Robinson traces FDR's outlook back to his formative years, and to the early twentieth century's racialist view of ethnic Japanese in America as immutably "foreign" and threatening. These prejudicial sentiments, along with his constitutional philosophy and leadership style, contributed to Roosevelt's approval of the unprecedented mistreatment of American citizens. His hands-on participation and interventions were critical in determining the nature, duration, and consequences of the administration's internment policy. <P> <i>By Order of the President</i> attempts to explain how a great humanitarian leader and his advisors, who were fighting a war to preserve democracy, could have implemented such a profoundly unjust and undemocratic policy toward their own people. It reminds us of the power of a president's beliefs to influence and determine public policy and of the need for citizen vigilance to protect the rights of all against potential abuses.</p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>In 1942, FDR authorized the army to evacuate more than 100,000 Japanese-Americans from the Pacific Coast states, stripping them not of their citizenship, which he considered "absolute," but of their civil rights, which he considered "contingent." Robinson, a historian at George Mason University, argues that, because of FDR's deserved reputation as a humanitarian, this action has been treated as an aberration and, therefore, not thoroughly explored. In this lucid, comprehensive and balanced examination, Robinson maintains that Roosevelt's decision was, in fact, "not fundamentally inconsistent with his overall political philosophy and world view." Rather, a deep-seated belief that Japanese-Americans were biologically "incapable of being true Americans" enabled FDR, though he "deplored open prejudice," to be "willingly misled" by bad counsel and misinformation about the perceived Japanese-American threat, despite reliable reports, including one by J. Edgar Hoover, to the contrary. Since boyhood, FDR had admired Japan's naval strength, but following Japan's victory over Russia in 1904-1905 and its invasion of China in the 1930s, Roosevelt saw Japan as a potent economic and political rival. Consequently, after the Pearl Harbor attack incited anti-Japanese hysteria, West Coast politicians and the military pressured FDR to take action at home; the president's racist views, compounded by what Robinson describes as his loose administrative style and lack of moral leadership, contributed to his passive indifference toward the physical and psychological fate of a group of Americans. Robinson's conscientious arguments and meticulous documentation movingly clarify a little-understood failure ofAmerican democracy. Agent, Charlotte Sheedy. (Oct. 26) Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Prof. John E. Boyd - KLIATT</h4><p>Although Roosevelt had maintained a longstanding friendly relationship with Japan, the situation began to change in the 1930s as Japan cast her eye on her resource-rich neighbors. War with Japan seemed to be inevitable but FDR wanted Japan to make the first strike. This book examines the people, places, and events surrounding the internment of West Coast Japanese civilians during WW II. It should appeal to serious future history and political science majors, students of WW II, and others who are interested in learning about the mistreatment and confinement of this segment of the population. Terms like "concentration camp" and "the Japanese problem" may conjure up images of Nazi Germany. Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which provided the legal base for interment. It was met with opposition, its constitutionality was questioned, and there was no evidence that the West Coast Japanese were a danger to the nation. Once the Japanese were interned, it was difficult to reverse the process and the reasons were not only security: prejudice and greed played a part. The author explores FDR's own prejudices and concerns as well as the events following his death in 1945. He concludes that the president could have done more to protect the rights of those of Japanese ancestry. The writing style and format make it unlikely that YAs are the target audience but those with a serious interest in the topic will find it rewarding. Some will be intimidated by the length, fine print and lack of illustrations. Sections could easily be turned into graduate-level lectures. This is definitely not recreational reading but it might serve as a research tool for topics related to Japanese-American relations from1900—1950. KLIATT Codes: SA—Recommended for senior high school students, advanced students, and adults. 2003, Harvard Univ. Press, 336p. bibliog. index., Ages 15 to adult.</p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Robinson (J.N.G. Finley Fellow in History, George Mason Univ.) focuses on one aspect of Roosevelt's presidency during World War II, the internment of Japanese Americans. Two recent books, Kenneth S. Davis's FDR: The War President, 1940-43 (LJ 10/15/01) and Thomas Fleming's The New Dealers' War: F.D.R. and the War within World War II (LJ 6/1/01) only briefly mention the internment. Using memos, reports, diary entries, letters, and other documents written by FDR and his staff, this book offers the first in-depth look at the role of Roosevelt and his advisers in making the decision to intern. While racist attitudes were widespread and many people influenced the final decision to issue Executive Order 9066, Robinson also cites Roosevelt's long-held belief that the Japanese were innately different and therefore did not deserve citizenship. This refusal to accept them as citizens along with considerable war hysteria allowed him to strip them of their rights for the duration of the war. The book sheds some light on a dark episode in our history. For academic and large public libraries, especially World War II and constitutional history collections. Katharine L. Kan, Allen Cty. P.L., Fort Wayne, IN Copyright 2001 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>A thorough, scholarly, and troubling analysis of FDR's decision in the early days of WWII to hold in internment camps more than 100,000 Japanese-Americans. Robinson (History/George Mason Univ.) begins with an FDR news conference on November 21, 1944, one of the few public occasions when the President even mentioned the internment of tens of thousands of loyal American citizens-a disturbing episode that Robinson calls "a tragedy of democracy." Robinson endeavors to uncover the causes of the decision. He notes that FDR's first government appointment was as an assistant secretary of the Navy, a position that led him to worry about Japanese aggression in the Pacific. In the 1920s, FDR urged a conciliatory position toward the Japanese, hoping that liberal elements in Japanese leadership would be able to soften their government's foreign policy. But in 1924, a US immigration act froze Japanese arrivals, legislation that outraged the Japanese. As their military became more adventurous in the Pacific, anti-Japanese attitudes in America hardened, and racists (especially in California) began to sing their ugly songs. According to Robinson, FDR viewed Japanese-Americans as Japanese first, American second. Despite virulent rumors to the contrary, there was no sabotage of US facilities by Japanese-Americans (as J. Edgar Hoover repeatedly informed FDR), but wartime paranoia (especially after Pearl Harbor) soon held sway. The author also believes political pressures from the West Coast influenced FDR, as did his unenlightened racial views (views not shared by his wife, who crusaded for the release of those interned). The president seems to have been uninterested in hearing contrary opinions-even whenhis principal advisers were urging him to rescind Executive Order 9066, the internment authorization, which he signed on February 19, 1942. It wasn't until late summer of 1944 that the releases began. Splendid scholarship shines a harsh light on one of the darkest episodes in American history. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-813550093442321832009-02-15T15:03:00.000-08:002009-02-15T15:10:25.400-08:00When Every Moment Counts or Stealing Democracy<h4>When Every Moment Counts: What You Need To Know About Bioterrorism From the Senate's Only Doctor </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Bill Frist</strong> <p><p>Bioterrorism has quickly become one of the most pressing and disturbing issues of our time. Our nation's leaders warn that the threat of germ weapons by terrorists is real, and, more importantly, that the United States remains highly vulnerable. Such statements have led to a national sense of fear and unease. Every American wants answers--what can we do to protect our families and loved ones? Enter Senator Bill Frist, M.D. At this crucial time, Senator Frist wants to provide all Americans with an accessible and comprehensive guide to dealing with the realistic threat of bioterrorism. Written in an easy-to-use question and answer format, complete with photographs of the varying symptoms and a full index, <i>When Every Moment Counts</i> is an essential manual for every American. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>First a Republican senator from Tennessee, brings his experiences as a heart and lung surgeon and a ranking member of the Senate Subcommittee on Public Health to this extremely informative, very approachable guide to coping with the bioterrorism threat, the only such guide available today. The book's linchpin is a chapter called "Safe at Home: A Family Survival Guide, straightforward, q&a-style set of guidelines for everything from choosing a filtration mask and putting together a disaster supply kit to preparing children for emergencies without giving them nightmares. The rest the book, also in q&a format, provides basic information on the most likely bioterrorism agents, such as anthrax, smallpox, plague and botulism. Frist clearly and knowledgeably explains the symptoms, incubation period and available treatments for each ages providing specific details, like the definition of "weaponized" anthrax and the government plan for containing a smallpox of break. Sidebars describe how the organism have been used as weapons in the past. The book also includes a chapter on chemical weapons and one on the food and water supply. Thought his tone is generally optimists Frist is candid about weaknesses in the public health system, such as the dearth of vaccine research on children or the FDA's inability to meet its food inspection goals. He's concerned, above all, about the lack of rapid communication among doctors and health agencies (citing that "one in five public health offices does not have email"), and concludes with his proposals to increase funding for state and local public health organizations and other suggestions for government. This reassuring thorough resource undoubtedly will prove a comfort to many readers-and, in the case of a bioterrorist attack, has the potential to save countless lives. This is an important book and deserves high attention and sales. Color photo insert of organisms and, to aid in diagnosis of skin rashes (comparing for instance smallpox chickenpox). (Mar.)</p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>Frist, a Republican senator from Tennessee, brings his experiences as a heart and lung surgeon and a ranking member of the Senate Subcommittee on Public Health to this extremely informative, very approachable guide to coping with the bioterrorism threat, the only such guide available today. The book's linchpin is a chapter called "Safe at Home: A Family Survival Guide," a straightforward, q&a-style set of guidelines for everything from choosing a filtration mask and putting together a disaster supply kit to preparing children for emergencies without giving them nightmares. The rest of the book, also in q&a format, provides basic information on the most likely bioterrorism agents, such as anthrax, smallpox, plague and botulism. Frist clearly and knowledgeably explains the symptoms, incubation period and available treatments for each agent, providing specific details, like the definition of "weaponized" anthrax and the government plan for containing a smallpox outbreak. Sidebars describe how the organisms have been used as weapons in the past. The book also includes a chapter on chemical weapons and one on the food and water supply. Though his tone is generally optimistic, Frist is candid about weaknesses in the public health system, such as the dearth of vaccine research on children or the FDA's inability to meet its food inspection goals. He's concerned, above all, about the lack of rapid communication among doctors and health agencies (citing that "one in five public health offices does not have email"), and concludes with his proposals to increase funding for state and local public health organizations and other suggestions for government action. This reassuring, thorough resource undoubtedly will prove a comfort to many readers and, in the case of a bioterrorist attack, has the potential to save countless lives. This is an important book and deserves high attention and sales. Color photo insert of organisms and, to aid in diagnosis, of skin rashes (comparing, for instance, smallpox to chickenpox). (Mar.) Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>When anthrax began showing up in the mail in fall 2001, one of the most sought-after and frequently seen guests on news shows was Senator Frist (R-TN), a practicing physician. His calm and levelheaded replies to a flurry of questions about anthrax and other potential biohazards reassured a jittery nation. In this book, Frist provides the same quality information in a question-and-answer format that addresses major biological and (to a lesser extent) chemical threats, their signs and symptoms, their transmission, vaccines, and effective treatments. Practical suggestions on preparing a disaster kit, easing children's anxieties, and handling suspicious mail, among other issues, are numerous and well conceived. A list of reliable web sites gives readers access to current information, and color illustrations help with the identification of anthrax and smallpox. The book concludes with an excellent index. While the occasional political point slips in (e.g., Frist advocates antitrust relief to drug companies), this book remains a solid lay reader's guide. A similar title, Dr. Philip Tierno's Protect Yourself Against Bioterrorism (Pocket, 2002), covers much the same ground. Given the high interest, both could be added at a small cost to the library. Anne C. Tomlin, Auburn Memorial Hosp. Lib., New York Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information. </p><br><br> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://livres-interessants.blogspot.com">Direction de Sécurité Efficace</a></strong> <h4>Stealing Democracy: The New Politics of Voter Suppression </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Spencer Overton</strong> <p><p><B>"A must-read for anyone who is concerned about our deeply flawed electoral system."—Congressman John Conyers Jr.</B><BR><BR>Politicians spew shallow words describing a self-governing American people, who select their representatives. In reality, politicians maintain power by selecting voters. Elected officials and bureaucrats control thousands of election practices—from district boundaries to English-only ballots—that determine political winners and losers. Through real-life stories, Spencer Overton shows how these practices determine policies on issues that shape our lives, and he provides strategies for restoring government by the people. Overton's compelling case is vital to the future of our democracy. With a new afterword. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>Overton takes a wonky but worthy look at the "matrix" of "thousands of election regulations and practices" that can discourage-if not completely suppress-citizens from voting or make their votes count less. A law professor and election reform activist, Overton makes concrete proposals for restoring power to voters. Redistricting, he says, is often conducted in a partisan manner; Overton recommends that the United States assign the responsibility to an independent commission. He calls for federal standards for counting ballots and the provision of voting machines. The much-debated Voting Rights Act, Overton argues, remains vital, though those invoking it should more carefully analyze "practices that disadvantage voters of color." In answer to those bilingual education opponents who might withhold "democracy from Americans with limited English skills," he also argues that bilingual ballots would "advance citizen engagement." Overton warns that a photo ID requirement for voting would exclude those (e.g., the poor, many people of color) who don't have driver's licenses. Citing relatively low voter turnout and lack of centralized election oversight, the author notes how the United States "deviates from democratic norms" of other established democracies, concluding with profiles of activists to inspire the citizens' movement needed to enact the sensible reforms he advocates. (June) Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>The U.S. Constitution assigns most of the management of elections to the states, which, in turn, allow their two major parties to dictate voting terms. For Overton (George Washington Univ. Law Sch.), a member of the Carter-Baker Election Reform Commission of 2005, the patchwork quilt of 102 party organizations (the Democratic and Republican parties in each state plus the two national committees) has produced a nefarious collection of rules that has suppressed the votes of too many citizens, especially the poor and people of color. He argues that the voting system isn't fair, balanced, efficient, or predictable but is instead controlled by the partisan organizations to keep their own members in office; as in The Matrix, the powers-that-be have manipulated the public into believing that it is in control. While the film analogy may help the book appeal to younger readers, its hint of conspiracy theory lessens the legitimacy of Overton's argument. Furthermore, the organization of elections has been in the hands of the states and political parties since the early 19th century, an arrangement our federal courts have consistently upheld. Nonetheless, Overton's book offers clear and cogent insights into the problems of our voting system. A worthy purchase for all public and academic libraries and essential for any collection that holds the Carter-Baker Commission Report. Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>Voting rights are under siege in America, declares the author, who proposes several sweeping remedies. With expertise honed while working for the National Voting Rights Institute and the Carter/Baker Election Reform Commission, Overton (Law/George Washington Univ.) explains how democracy can be subverted without citizens even noticing. Disenfranchisement does not always occur at the voting booth, he warns, providing cautionary tales about computer gerrymandering, partisan oversight of elections and systemic discrimination based on race, class, native language and criminal history. At every turn, Overton finds self-interested politicians maneuvering to cut deals, protect their jobs and tip the scales for their allies. Many readers will be sympathetic to reform after reviewing his litany of undemocratic incidents and self-incriminating remarks about rigging elections made by unwary politicos. Overton cites encouraging precedents for major electoral reform, from the intricate case law advancing African-Americans' voting rights to the constitutional amendments enfranchising women, minorities and draft-age Americans. (The 26th Amendment granted the right to vote to those as young as 18 after the Vietnam War.) But he also warns that some enemies of democracy are trying to co-opt reform to reduce voter turnout. Dissenting from the Election Reform Commission on which he served, he skewers new photo-ID requirements as unnecessary barriers to voting and instead advocates universal voter registration. The book's rigid formula-a brief history, recent case study and bite-size solution offered in every chapter-sometimes wears thin. Yet Overton makes a compelling case that beneath the rhetoricalflourishes, American democracy is governed by a flawed election system: often capricious, sometimes unjust and rarely understood by the general public. To change this, Americans will need energy, optimism and "a mindset of resistance and independence."An approachable and constructive work. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction : the matrix</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">11</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">How to big elections</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">17</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Patchwork democracy</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">42</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Does race still matter?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">65</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">No backsliding</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">87</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">La Sociedad Abierta</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">121</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fraud or suppression?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">148</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Conclusion : the choice</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">168</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-38581328878636694382009-02-14T09:49:00.000-08:002009-02-14T09:56:45.326-08:00Paris After the Liberation 1944 1949 or The Huey P Newton Reader<h4>Paris After the Liberation 1944-1949 </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Antony Beevor</strong> <p><p><P>In this brilliant synthesis of social, political, and cultural history, Antony Beevor and Artemis Cooper present a vivid and compelling portrayal of the City of Lights after its liberation. Paris became the diplomatic battleground in the opening stages of the Cold War. Against this volatile political backdrop, every aspect of life is portrayed: scores were settled in a rough and uneven justice, black marketers grew rich on the misery of the population, and a growing number of intellectual luminaries and artists- including Hemingway, Beckett, Camus, Sartre, de Beauvoir, Cocteau, and Picasso-contributed new ideas and a renewed vitality to this extraordinary moment in time. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>Beever and Cooper's highly regarded 1994 volume profiles the political fallout in Paris following the defeat of the Nazis and the rise of communism. It was a time when U.S. and other Allied troops were considered by many French citizens to be the new invaders trying to take over their country. Copyright 2005 Reed Business Information. </p><br><br> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://investing-textbooks.blogspot.com">Manual of Clinical Hospital Psychiatry or American Economic Development Since 1945</a></strong> <h4>The Huey P Newton Reader </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Huey P Newton</strong> <p><p>The First Comprehensive Collection of writings by the Black Panther Party founder and revolutionary icon of the black liberation era, The Huey P. Newton Reader combines now-classic texts with never-before-published writings from the Black Panther Party archives. Topics include: the formation of the Black Panthers; African Americans and armed self-defense; prison martyr George Jackson; Eldridge Cleaver's controversial expulsion from the Party; FBI infiltration of civil rights groups;the Vietnam War; and the burgeoning feminist movement. Among the new writings that are being published here for the first time from the Black Panther Party archives and Newton'n private collection, are articles on: President Nixon; environmentalism; Pan-Africanism; James Baldwin; and affirmative action. </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>This is the first collection of writings by the founder of the Black Panther Party since his death in 1989. Ten of the 36 selections were published in To Die for the People, an earlier collection released in 1972; the remainder were written after that publication. The book represents the many transformations of Newton's and the party's political ideologies and motivations, including support of the feminist and gay rights movements. Between the opening coverage of how and why Newton and Bobby Seale mobilized the black community to support a program of armed self-defense to the closing excerpts from Newton's Ph.D. dissertation outlining the FBI's COINTELPRO activities to dismantle the Black Panther Party are passionate and captivating writings that reveal a widely read political theorist committed to putting theory into practice to make a better world. This book is essential reading and primary-source research material for understanding the Black Panther Party, grass-roots organizing at its best, and the black power movement. Suitable for public and academic libraries. Sherri Barnes, Univ. of California, Santa Barbara Libs. Copyright 2002 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>Booknews</h4><p>Co-edited by one of Newton's former colleagues in the Black Panther Party, this collection combines published and previously unpublished writings from the founder of the American black liberation organization. After excerpts from Newton's autobiography </Revolutionary Suicide/> detail aspects of his early life and the founding of the party, the evolution of his political thought is traced through political tracts, interviews, speeches, and his doctoral dissertation </War Against the Panthers/>, in which he details the FBI's attempts to suppress the organization through any means necessary, including assassination. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com) </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Foreword</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">7</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">9</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Scoring</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">25</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Freedom</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">38</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Bobby Seale</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">44</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Founding of the Black Panther Party</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">49</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Patrolling</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">53</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Sacramento and the "Panther Bill"</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">67</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Crisis: October 28, 1967</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">73</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Trial</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">79</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fear and Doubt: May 15, 1967</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">131</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">From "In Defense of Self-Defense" I: June 20, 1967</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">134</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">From "In Defense of Self-Defense" II: July 3, 1967</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">138</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Correct Handling of a Revolution: July 20, 1967</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">142</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A Functional Definition of Politics, January 17, 1969</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">147</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">On the Peace Movement: August 15, 1969</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">150</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Prison, Where Is Thy Victory?: January 3, 1970</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">154</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Women's Liberation and Gay Liberation Movements: August 15, 1970</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">157</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Speech Delivered at Boston College: November 18, 1970</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">160</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Intercommunalism: February 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">181</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">On the Defection of Eldridge Cleaver from the Black Panther Party and the Defection of the Black Panther Party from the Black Community: April 17, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">200</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Statement: May 1, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">209</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">On the Relevance of the Church: May 19, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">214</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Black Capitalism Re-analyzed 1: June 5, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">227</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Uniting Against a Common Enemy: October 23, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">234</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fallen Comrade: Eulogy for George Jackson, 1971</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">241</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">On Pan-Africanism or Communism: December 1, 1972</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">248</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Technology Question: 1972</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">256</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A Spokesman for the People: In Conversation with William F. Buckley, February 11, 1973</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">267</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Eldridge Cleaver: He Is No James Baldwin, 1973</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">285</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Who Makes U.S. Foreign Policy?: 1974</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">295</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Dialectics of Nature: 1974</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">304</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Eve, the Mother of All Living: 1974</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">313</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Mind Is Flesh: 1974</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">317</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Affirmative Action in Theory and Practice: Letters on the Bakke Case, September 22, 1977</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">331</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Response of the Government to the Black Panther Party: 1980</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">337</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Publication History</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">360</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Selected Bibliography</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">361</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-2404143374409036942009-02-13T04:37:00.000-08:002009-02-13T04:43:59.952-08:00Jefferson and the Indians or Beyond Slavery<h4>Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Anthony F C Wallac</strong> <p><p><P>In Thomas Jefferson's time, white Americans were bedeviled by a moral dilemma unyielding to reason and sentiment: what to do about the presence of black slaves and free Indians. That Jefferson himself was caught between his own soaring rhetoric and private behavior toward blacks has long been known. But the tortured duality of his attitude toward Indians is only now being unearthed.<br></p><P>In this landmark history, Anthony Wallace takes us on a tour of discovery to unexplored regions of Jefferson's mind. There, the bookish Enlightenment scholar—collector of Indian vocabularies, excavator of ancient burial mounds, chronicler of the eloquence of America's native peoples, and mourner of their tragic fate—sits uncomfortably close to Jefferson the imperialist and architect of Indian removal. Impelled by the necessity of expanding his agrarian republic, he became adept at putting a philosophical gloss on his policy of encroachment, threats of war, and forced land cessions—a policy that led, eventually, to cultural genocide.<br></p><P>In this compelling narrative, we see how Jefferson's close relationships with frontier fighters and Indian agents, land speculators and intrepid explorers, European travelers, missionary scholars, and the chiefs of many Indian nations all complicated his views of the rights and claims of the first Americans. Lavishly illustrated with scenes and portraits from the period, <i>Jefferson and the Indians</i> adds a troubled dimension to one of the most enigmatic figures of American history, and to one of its most shameful legacies.<br></p> </p><h4>KLIATT</h4><p>This is not your father's Thomas Jefferson. It might be startling to a reader brought up on the Jefferson of the Declaration of Independence to read an author who, quite early in the text, accuses the third president not only of writing deceptive reports in regard to land dealings, but of being responsible for "ethnic cleansing" in regard to the Native American populations of the eastern coastline. While we have recently become accustomed to accounts of Jefferson's treatment or mistreatment of his slaves, we may still see him as the amateur philosopher-archeologist who collected vocabularies of Native American languages and conducted methodical digs of burial mounds left by eastern tribes. Here Wallace gives us a Jefferson who, while he had a deep objective interest in anthropology, had a land speculator's interest in the territories to the immediate west of the 13 original states. He saw the young nation as an expanding entity, and this growth as impeded by the various tribes then living in the lands between the Appalachians and the Mississippi. His solution: move them west. According to Wallace, as president it was Jefferson's aim to obtain Indian land "at almost any cost." The result of Wallace's extensive research is not, however, a cursory debunking of Jefferson but rather a detailed portrait of a man of his time, flawed and pragmatic. Wallace's prose is smooth and the text is extremely well organized with copious notes, although no separate bibliography. Recommended for all serious students of American history. KLIATT Codes: SA—Recommended for senior high school students, advanced students, and adults. 1999, Harvard Univ. Press, Belknap, 394p. illus. maps. notes.index. 23cm. 99-21558., $18.95. Ages 16 to adult. Reviewer: Patricia A. Moore; Brookline, MA , July 2001 (Vol. 35, No. 4) </p><h4>Library Journal</h4><p>While Bernard W. Sheehan's Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (1974) explores the Jeffersonian period, Wallace, an emeritus anthropology professor at the University of Pennsylvania and recipient of the Bancroft prize for Rockdale, provides a probing intellectual history of Jefferson himself. Jefferson's attitude toward Native Americans reflect his overall complexity as a thinker; he was fascinated by the first Americans but at the same time engaged in "civilizing" them. Wallace traces the context in which Jefferson existed and then examines his political rhetoric; considerable attention is also given to his studies of Indians and his presidential policies toward them. While the absence of citations to sidebar quotations is disappointing and the lack of a bibliography unfortunate, this fascinating account of an unexplored topic is highly recommended.--Daniel D. Liestman, Kansas State Univ. Lib., Manhattan Copyright 1999 Cahners Business Information. </p><h4>ForeWord - Peter Skinner</h4><p>The book's great strength stems not only from its compelling narrative, but also from the rich cast of supporting players among whom heroes, saints and sinners abound. Excellent illustrations add to this masterful account.</p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>Returning to his interest in the native tribes (The Long Bitter Trail: Andrew Jackson and the Indians, 1993, etc.), Bancroft Prize–winning historian Wallace gives us a book that immediately becomes the best among very few other studies of its subject. The author, an anthropologist deeply knowledgeable about American native cultures, reveals his colors early on: Jefferson's acts concerning the Indians were "hypocritical, arbitrary, duplicitous, even harsh," the Squire of Monticello himself a liar and self-serving. While he studied the natives, knew some, and thought carefully about their lives and cultures, he could not rid himself of the conviction that these American tribal peoples must either become "civilized"—give up hunting and gathering, become farmers, and adopt Euro-American ways—or disappear. But Jefferson didn't stop there: throughout his life, he effectually harried the Indians into war, land cessions, or flight and thus, in Wallace's view, must be held responsible both for inaugurating the failed 19th-century policy of removing the Indians to the far west and then onto reservations and for their drastic decline in numbers. This is a harsh indictment, made harsher still by Wallace's inappropriate likening of Jefferson's policies to genocide, a holocaust, and ethnic cleansing. After all, neither Jefferson nor most of his contemporaries sought the Indians' extermination. Yet, fortunately, these overwrought anachronistic charges do not affect much of the book, which otherwise makes clear the complexities of native-European interaction in the post-Revolutionary era. One result is that a reader comes away from the book's pages less critical of Jefferson thanWallace probably wishes, more accepting of the limits upon Jefferson's misguided views, and deflated by a sense of the near inevitability of the Indians' fate. One wishes that Wallace had occasionally lifted his eyes from the details of his subject—to compare, for example, the contributions of Indian removal and slavery to white man's democracy. A searching scholarly study of one of the great American dilemmas. (60 photos, 3 maps)<P> </p><br><br> <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://beauty-grooming-book.blogspot.com/2009/02/caring-and-social-justice-or-healing.html">Caring and Social Justice or Healing the Heart of the World</a></strong> <h4>Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor and Citizenship in Post-Emancipation Societies </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Frederick Cooper</strong> <p><p>In this collaborative work, three leading historians explore one of the most significant areas of inquiry in modern historiography—the transition from slavery to freedom and what this transition meant for former slaves, former slaveowners, and the societies in which they lived. Their contributions take us beyond the familiar portrait of emancipation as the end of an evil system to consider the questions and the struggles that emerged in freedom's wake. <p> Thomas Holt focuses on emancipation in Jamaica and the contested meaning of citizenship in defining and redefining the concept of freedom; Rebecca Scott investigates the complex struggles and cross-racial alliances that evolved in southern Louisiana and Cuba after the end of slavery; and Frederick Cooper examines the intersection of emancipation and imperialism in French West Africa. In their introduction, the authors address issues of citizenship, labor, and race, in the post-emancipation period and they point the way toward a fuller understanding of the meanings of freedom. <br><p><B>About the Author:</b><BR> Frederick Cooper is Charles Gibson Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan. Thomas C. Holt is the James Westfall Thompson Professor of American and African American History at the University of Chicago. Rebecca J. Scott is Frederick Huetwell Professor of History at the University of Michigan. </p><h4>What People Are Saying</h4><p><strong>Ira Berlin</strong><br>An extraordinary book of breathtaking scope that addresses matters of signal importance.</p><br><p><strong>David Montgomery</strong><br>[For] everyone concerned with race, class, and modern intellectual history.</p><br><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Acknowledgments</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Introduction</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Essence of the Contract: The Articulation of Race, Gender, and Political Economy in British Emancipation Policy, 1838-1866</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">33</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fault Lines, Color Lines, and Party Lines: Race, Labor, and Collective Action in Louisiana and Cuba, 1862-1912</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">61</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Conditions Analogous to Slavery: Imperialism and Free Labor Ideology in Africa</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">107</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Afterword</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">151</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Notes</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">157</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Index</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">189</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-83477891699231319242009-02-11T23:24:00.000-08:002009-02-11T23:31:44.385-08:00America Alone or The Real Odessa<h4>America Alone: The End of the World as We Know It </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Mark Steyn</strong> <p><p>In this, his first major book, Mark Steyn--probably the most widely read, and wittiest, columnist in the English-speaking world--takes on the great poison of the twenty-first century: the anti-Americanism that fuels both Old Europe and radical Islam. America, Steyn argues, will have to stand alone. The world will be divided between America and the rest; and for our sake America had better win. </p><br><br> <p>New interesting textbook: <strong><a href="http://education-policies.blogspot.com">Eichmann in Jerusalem or Howard Zinn on Democratic Education</a></strong> <h4>The Real Odessa: Smuggling the Nazis to Peron's Argentina </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Uki Goni</strong> <p><p>Drawing on American and European intelligence documents, Uki Goni shows how from 1946 onward a Nazi escape operation was based at the presidential palace in Buenos Aires, harboring such war criminals as Adolf Eichmann and Josef Mengele. Goni uncovers an elaborate network that relied on the complicity of the Vatican, the Argentine Catholic Church, and the Swiss authorities. The discoveries made in this meticulously researched book reveal the entangled web of the Nazi regime and its sympathizers and has prompted Argentine officials to demand closed files on the Nazi era from their current government. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Acknowledgements</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">vii</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Abbreviations</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">ix</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Key Players</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">xi</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Foreword</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">xix</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">War Games</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Peron Leaps to Power</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">16</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Undesirable Immigration</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">25</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Abandonment of Argentina's Jews</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">45</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Extortion of the Jews</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">51</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Nazi Escape Begins</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">63</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Cardinal Recommendations</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">93</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">8</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Peron's Odessa</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">100</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">9</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Digging for Clues</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">116</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">10</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Criminal Ways</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">122</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">11</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Nordic Route</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">128</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">12</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Swiss Connection</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">136</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">13</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Belgian Way</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">163</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">14</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The Slovak Committee</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">193</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">15</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Flight of the Ustashi</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">200</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">16</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A Roman 'Sanctuary'</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">229</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">17</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Erich Priebke</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">252</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">18</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Gerhard Bohne</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">266</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">19</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Josef Schwammberger</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">273</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">20</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Josef Mengele</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">279</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">21</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Adolf Eichmann</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">292</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Conclusion</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">320</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Afterword</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">327</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Notes</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">349</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Documentary Sources</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">390</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Bibliography</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">392</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Index</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">401</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-8331595701169710802009-02-10T18:12:00.000-08:002009-02-10T18:19:29.110-08:00The Echo of Battle or Why Do People Hate America<h4>The Echo of Battle: The Army's Way of War </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Brian McAllister Linn</strong> <p><p><P>From Lexington and Gettysburg to Normandy and Iraq, the wars of the United States have defined the nation. But after the guns fall silent, the army searches the lessons of past conflicts in order to prepare for the next clash of arms. In the echo of battle, the army develops the strategies, weapons, doctrine, and commanders that it hopes will guarantee a future victory.<br></p><P>In the face of radically new ways of waging war, Brian Linn surveys the past assumptions—and errors—that underlie the army's many visions of warfare up to the present day. He explores the army's forgotten heritage of deterrence, its long experience with counter-guerrilla operations, and its successive efforts to transform itself. Distinguishing three martial traditions—each with its own concept of warfare, its own strategic views, and its own excuses for failure—he locates the visionaries who prepared the army for its battlefield triumphs and the reactionaries whose mistakes contributed to its defeats.<br></p><P>Discussing commanders as diverse as Dwight D. Eisenhower, George S. Patton, and Colin Powell, and technologies from coastal artillery to the Abrams tank, he shows how leadership and weaponry have continually altered the army's approach to conflict. And he demonstrates the army's habit of preparing for wars that seldom occur, while ignoring those it must actually fight. Based on exhaustive research and interviews, <i>The Echo of Battle</i> provides an unprecedented reinterpretation of how the U.S. Army has waged war in the past and how it is meeting the new challenges of tomorrow.<br></p> </p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>A history of the U.S. army during peacetime examines the lessons its intellectual leaders learned from previous wars and how they planned for the next. Having read nearly every available report, memoir, article and public speech on the subject, military historian Linn emphasizes that history teaches many lessons, only a few of which turn out to be useful, and that we learn the rare accurate prediction of the future in hindsight. An American military establishment didn't appear until after the War of 1812, but it quickly got down to business, drawing wrong conclusions from the past and preparing for a future war that never happened. Ignoring the embattled frontier, until after 1900, leaders concluded that predatory European powers were our major threat-most likely, a massive cross-ocean invasion by Britain. Since the War of 1812 featured attacks on coastal areas, leaders gave first priority to protecting ports, devoting most of the army's modest budget to constructing defensive coastal fortifications. They played no part in America's next two foreign wars (in 1846 and 1898), which were entirely offensive, and the Confederacy obtained only modest benefit from those it occupied. Examining the enormously increased firepower-machine guns, repeating rifles and rapid-fire artillery, among others-available by the turn of the 20th century, military thinkers concluded that these would make future wars so expensive and destructive that fighting would be short-lived. A minority insisted that the vast destructive power of new weapons made war obsolete, repeating both errors when they considered aircraft a generation later and again with atomic weapons. Fighting terrorism, guerrillas and insurgentforces had ample precedent in campaigns against Indians, Confederate bushwhackers and Philippine rebels, but until the 1990s few thinkers considered this a worthy occupation for a warrior. Now, "irregular warfare" is considered the wave of the future, a disturbing forecast if it is as accurate as previous ones. An unsettling but stimulating review of American military planning. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><P>Prologue<br></p><P>1. Fortress America<br><br><br>2. Modern Warfare<br><br><br>3. Unconventional Wisdom<br><br><br>4. Providing for War?<br><br><br>5. Dissenting Visions<br><br><br>6. Atomic War<br><br><br>7. From Reformation to Reaction<br></p><P>Epilogue<br></p><P>Abbreviations<br><br><br>Notes<br><br><br>Acknowledgments<br><br><br>Index<br></p> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://business-software-books.blogspot.com">IPTV Crash Course or Outlook 2007</a></strong> <h4>Why Do People Hate America? </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Ziauddin Sardar</strong> <p><p><P>The controversial bestseller that caused huge waves in the UK! The Independent calls it "required reading." Noam Chomsky says it "contains valuable information that we should know, over here, for our own good, and the world's." We call it our biggest book so far and will be backing it from day one with guaranteed co-op spending, a national publicity and review blitz, talk radio bookings, various retail sales aids including postcards, and of course the usual full court press on the Web and via email.</P><P>This is NOT just another 9/11 book: it is the book for those of us trying to understand why America-and Americans-are targets for hate. Many people do hate America, in Europe, Asia, South America and Africa, as well as in the Middle East. Ziauddin Sardar and Merryl Wyn Davies explore the global impact of America's foreign policy and its corporate and cultural power, placing this unprecedented dominance in the context of America's own perception of itself. In doing so, they consider TV and the Hollywood machine as a mirror which reflects both the American Dream and the American Nightmare. Their analysis provides an important contribution to a debate which needs to be addressed by people of all nations, cultures, religions and political persuasions-and especially by Americans.</P><P>Described by <I>The Times Higher Education Supplement </I>as "packed with tightly argued points," the book is carefully researched and built to withstand the inevitable criticism that will be aimed at it. A book that some reviewers will love to hate and others will praise for its insights, it's guaranteed to cause a stir.</P><P><B>Ziauddin Sardar</B> is a prominent and highly respected journalist andauthor. Prolific and polymath, he is a familiar U.K. television and radio personality. </P><P><B>Merryl Wyn Davies</B>, writer and anthropologist, is a former BBC television producer.</P> </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-87234397824566495782009-02-09T13:00:00.000-08:002009-02-09T13:07:00.317-08:00Selections from Moyers on Democracy or Women of Spirit<h4>Selections from Moyers on Democracy </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Bill D Moyers</strong> <p><p><P><b>Bill Moyers on America today:<br></b><br>“Here in the first decade of the twenty-first century the story that becomes America’s dominant narrative will shape our collective imagination and our politics for a long time to come. In the searching of our souls demanded by this challenge . . . kindred spirits across the nation must confront the most fundamental liberal failure of the current era: the failure to embrace a moral vision of America based on the transcendent faith that human beings are more than the sum of their material appetites, our country is more than an economic machine, and freedom is not license but responsibility—the gift we have received and the legacy we must bequeath. <br>“Although our sojourn in life is brief, we are on a great journey. For those who came before us and for those who follow, our moral, political, and religious duty to make sure that this nation, which was conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all are equal under the law, is in good hands on our watch.” <br>—from “For America’s Sake”</p><p>People know Bill Moyers mostly from his many years of path-breaking journalism on television. But he is also one of America’s most sought-after public speakers. His appearances draw sell-out crowds across the country and are among the most reproduced on the Web. “And one reason,” writes noted journalist Bill McKibben, “is that Moyers pulls no punches. His understanding of America’s history is at least as deep as his understanding of Christian tradition, which is an integral part of his background . . . With his feet firmly planted in the deepestAmerican traditions, Bill Moyers is helping to keep alive an oratorical tradition that is fading after two centuries. Trained by his career in broadcasting, he writes for the ear, his cadences and his repetitions timed to bring an audience to full realization of its role and its power.” <br>And that is the message of this book. <i>Moyers on Democracy </i>collects many of Bill Moyers’s most moving statements to connect the dots on what is happening to our country—the twinned growth of private wealth and public squalor, the assault on our Constitution, the undermining of the electoral process, the accelerating class war against ordinary (and vulnerable) Americans inherent in the growth of economic inequality, the dangers of an imperial executive, the attack on the independence of the press, the despoiling of the earth we share as our common gift—and to rekindle the reader’s conviction that “the gravediggers of democracy will not have the last word.” Richly insightful and alive with a fierce, abiding love for our country, <i>Moyers on Democracy</i> is essential reading in this fateful presidential year.</p> </p><br><br> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://grilling-book.blogspot.com/2009/02/quick-and-easy-cooking-or-asian-diet.html">Quick and Easy Cooking or Asian Diet</a></strong> <h4>Women of Spirit: Stories of Courage from the Women Who Lived Them </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Katherine Martin</strong> <p><p>Thirty-five women who succeeded in making a difference in the world relate their experiences in this inspiring collection. Katherine Martin introduces each first-person account with background information on the writer and the obstacles she faced. Lesser-known heroines include Debra Williams, who blew the whistle on medical malpractice in a midwestern prison; Sonya Bell, a blind teenager who became an award-winning runner; and Carrie Barefoot Dickerson, who stopped the construction of a nuclear power plant. Other stories, told in their own words, are about SARK, Judith Light, Julia Butterfly Hill, Joan Borysenko, Geraldine Ferraro, Iyanla Vanzant, and others. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-68167375571800033592009-02-08T07:47:00.000-08:002009-02-08T07:54:16.621-08:00Terrorism As Crime or The Rights of Man<h4>Terrorism As Crime: From Oklahoma City to Al-Qaeda and Beyond </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Mark Hamm</strong> <p><p><p></p><p>"As a recognized expert in the field, Hamm is eminently qualified to prepare this text on the subject of terrorism from the criminal law perspective. . . . The text is written in a clear, lively manner." <BR>—<I>Choice</I></p><p>"Drawing on six case studies of terrorist attacks by radical Islamists and right-wing racists, Hamm writes that American counterterrorist agencies have neglected some basic insights from scholarly criminology." <BR>—<I>The Chronicle of Higher Education</I></p><p>"Read this book to understand the important nexus between terrorism and crime! This cutting edge analysis suggests a new approach to defeat the terrorist threat to the United States." <BR>—Marc Sageman, author of <I>Understanding Terror Networks</I></p><p>"Hamm's clear writing style, careful research and theoretical insights promise to make this a classic in criminology." <BR>—William J. Chambliss, author of <I>Power, Politics, and Crime</I></p><p>"[Provides] the first detailed account of how crime provides logistical support for terrorist strikes. By blending the study of terrorism and criminology, Hamm offers the possibility of detecting and stopping terrorism through the pursuit of conventional methods of criminal investigation." <BR>—Gary LaFree, Director, START, National Center for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism University of Maryland Department of Criminology/Democracy</p><p>Car bombing, suicide bombing, abduction, smuggling, homicide, and hijacking are all profoundly criminal acts. In <B>Terrorism as Crime</B> Mark S. Hamm presents an understanding of terrorism from a criminological point of view, arguing that the most successful way tounderstand, detect, prosecute and deter these acts is to use conventional criminal investigation methods. Whether in Oklahoma City or London, <B>Terrorism as Crime</B> demonstrates that criminal activity is the lifeblood of terrorist groups and that there are simple common denominators at work that can remove the mystery surrounding many of these terrorist groups. Once understood the vulnerabilities of these organizations can be exposed.</p><p>This important volume focuses in on six case studies of crimes committed by jihad and domestic right wing groups, including biographies of more than two dozen terrorists along with descriptions of their organizations, strategies, and terrorist plots. <B>Terrorism as Crime</B> offers an original and significant framework for explaining international and domestic terrorism, as well as how future acts might be detected or exposed.</p><br> </p><br><br> <p>Book about: <strong><a href="http://finance-textbook.blogspot.com">The Resume Writers or Law and the Information Superhighway</a></strong> <h4>The Rights of Man (Everyman's Library) </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Thomas Pain</strong> <p><p>(Book Jacket Status: Jacketed)<br><br>The authorities in power in England during Thomas Paine’s lifetime saw him as an agent provocateur who used his seditious eloquence to support the emancipation of slaves and women, the demands of working people, and the rebels of the French and American Revolutions. History, on the other hand, has come to regard him as the figure who gave political cogency to the liberating ideas of the Enlightenment. His great pamphlets, <i>Rights of Man</i> and <i>Common Sense</i>, are now recognized for what they are–classic arguments in defense of the individual’s right to assert his or her freedom in the face of tyranny. </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-25791400237582749342009-02-07T02:35:00.000-08:002009-02-07T02:41:55.451-08:00Rightward Bound or Understanding Generalist Practice<h4>Rightward Bound: Making America Conservative in The 1970s </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Bruce J Schulman</strong> <p><p><P>Often considered a lost decade, a pause between the liberal Sixties and Reagan’s Eighties, the 1970s were indeed a watershed era when the forces of a conservative counter-revolution cohered. These years marked a significant moral and cultural turning point in which the conservative movement became the motive force driving politics for the ensuing three decades. <br></p><P>Interpreting the movement as more than a backlash against the rampant liberalization of American culture, racial conflict, the Vietnam War, and Watergate, these provocative and innovative essays look below the surface, discovering the tectonic shifts that paved the way for Reagan’s America. They reveal strains at the heart of the liberal coalition, resulting from struggles over jobs, taxes, and neighborhood reconstruction, while also investigating how the deindustrialization of northern cities, the rise of the suburbs, and the migration of people and capital to the Sunbelt helped conservatism gain momentum in the twentieth century. They demonstrate how the forces of the right coalesced in the 1970s and became, through the efforts of grassroots activists and political elites, a movement to reshape American values and policies.<br></p><P>A penetrating and provocative portrait of a critical decade in American history, <i>Rightward Bound</i> illuminates the seeds of both the successes and the failures of the conservative revolution. It helps us understand how, despite conservatism’s rise, persistent tensions remain today between its political power and the achievements of twentieth-century liberalism.<br></p> </p><h4>What People Are Saying</h4><p><strong>Nelson Lichtenstein</strong><br>A new generation of American historians demonstrates that the decade of the 1970s proved the crucial seed time for the rise of modern American conservatism. There was nothing inevitable about the nation's march to the right, which makes this book all the more fascinating and necessary for those who want to understand twenty-first century America. --(<i>Nelson Lichtenstein, author of <i>Wal-Mart: The Face of Twenty-First-Century America</i></i>) </p><br><p><strong>Gary Gerstle</strong><br><i>Rightward Bound</i> is the most comprehensive and incisive history to date of the conservative mobilization that surged through and transformed the United States in the 1970s. It will prove essential reading for anyone seeking to understand conservative ideologies, institutions, and organizing strategies as well as the complexities of politics and culture in late twentieth-century America. --(<i>Gary Gerstle, Vanderbilt University</i>) </p><br><p><strong>Laura Kalman</strong><br><i>Rightward Bound</i> brilliantly demonstrates how American conservatism emerged as a full-blown movement in the 1970s and, in the process, created the United States of the twenty-first century. It is a wonderful book! --(<i>Laura Kalman, University of California, Santa Barbara</i>) </p><br><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Acknowledgments ix<br>Introduction Bruce J. Schulman Julian E. Zelizer 1<br>Mobilizing the Movement<br>Inventing Family Values Matthew D. Lassiter 13<br>The Evangelical Resurgence in 1970s American Protestantism Paul Boyer 29<br>Make Payroll, Not War: Business Culture as Youth Culture Bethany E. Moreton 52<br>Gender and America's Right Turn Marjorie J. Spruill 71<br>Civil Rights and the Religious Right Joseph Crespino 90<br>The Decade of the Neighborhood Suleiman Osman 106<br>Cultural Politics and the Singer/Songwriters of the 1970s Bradford Martin 128<br>Financing the Counterrevolution Alice O'Connor 148<br>The Battle Over Policies and Politics<br>The White Ethnic Strategy Thomas J. Sugrue John D. Skrentny 171<br>The Conservative Struggle and the Energy Crisis Meg Jacobs 193<br>Turnabout Years: Public Sector Unionism and the Fiscal Crisis Joseph A. McCartin 210<br>Detente and Its Discontents Jeremi Suri 227<br>Carter's Nicaragua and Other Democratic Quagmires Derek N. Buckaloo 246<br>Conservatives, Carter, and the Politics of National Security Julian E. Zelizer 265<br>Epilogue Bruce J. Schulman Julian E. Zelizer 289<br>Notes 295<br>List of Contributors 349<br>Index 351 <p>Go to: <strong><a href="http://books-recipes.blogspot.com">The Pleasures of Eating or Low Cholesterol Low Fat Cooking</a></strong> <h4>Understanding Generalist Practice </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Karen K Kirst Ashman</strong> <p><p>Organized around the authors' coherent and cohesive Generalist Intervention Model, this introductory guide to generalist social work practice gives you the knowledge and skills needed to work with individuals and families, as well as the foundation knowledge from a generalist perspective to work with groups, communities, and organizations. The authors fully explore the interrelationship between micro, mezzo, and macro levels of social work practice. This edition reflects the latest Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards with empowerment and strengths perspectives for partnering with clients.<br> </p><h4>Booknews</h4><p>New edition of a text that provides a framework for social work students to view the world from a generalist perspective. Emphasizing a core of micro-skills, Kirst-Ashman (U. of Wisconsin-Whitewater) and Hull (U. of Utah) present 16 chapters that discuss relationship- building, interviewing, and problem-solving abilities necessary for working with individual clients. They also orient students to think not only in terms of individual needs but also of group and community needs. New focus points include cultural competency, empowerment of people with disabilities, interviewing children in the context of abuse, updated information on substance abuse, and confidentiality with respect to electronic record-keeping. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (booknews.com) </p><br><br> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-22100527210228876572009-02-05T21:21:00.000-08:002009-02-05T21:28:22.216-08:00The Private Abuse of the Public Interest or One Man Great Enough<h4>The Private Abuse of the Public Interest: Market Myths and Policy Muddles </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Lawrence D Brown</strong> <p><p>Despite George W. Bush’s professed opposition to big government, federal spending has increased under his watch more quickly than it did during the Clinton administration, and demands on government have continued to grow. Why? Lawrence Brown and Lawrence Jacobs show that conservative efforts to expand markets and shrink government often have the ironic effect of expanding government’s reach by creating problems that force legislators to enact new rules and regulations. Dismantling the flawed reasoning behind these attempts to cast markets and public power in opposing roles, <I>The Private Abuse of the Public Interest</I> urges citizens and policy makers to recognize that properly functioning markets presuppose the government’s ability to create, sustain, and repair them over time.<BR>The authors support their pragmatic approach with evidence drawn from in-depth analyses of education, transportation, and health care policies. In each policy area, initiatives such as school choice, deregulation of airlines and other carriers, and the promotion of managed care have introduced or enlarged the role of market forces with the aim of eliminating bureaucratic inefficiency. But in each case, the authors show, reality proved to be much more complex than market models predicted. This complexity has resulted in a political cycle—strikingly consistent across policy spheres—that culminates in public interventions to sustain markets while protecting citizens from their undesirable effects. Situating these case studies in the context of more than two hundred years of debate about the role of markets in society, Brown and Jacobs call for a renewed focus on public-privatepartnerships that recognize and respect each sector’s vital—and fundamentally complementary—role. </p><br><br> <p>See also: <strong><a href="http://medications-book.blogspot.com">Dancers Foot Book or Bach Flower Massage</a></strong> <h4>One Man Great Enough: Abraham Lincoln's Road to Civil War </h4> <p>Author: <strong>John C Waugh</strong> <p><p><p>How did Abraham Lincoln, long held as a paragon of presidential bravery and principled politics, find his way to the White House? How did he become this one man great enough to risk the fate of the nation on the well-worn but cast-off notion that all men are created equal?<br><br>Here award-winning historian John C. Waugh takes us on Lincoln’s road to the Civil War. From Lincoln's first public rejection of slavery to his secret arrival in the capital, from his stunning debates with Stephen Douglas to his contemplative moments considering the state of the country he loved, Waugh shows us America as Lincoln saw it and as Lincoln described it. Much of this wonderful story is told by Lincoln himself, detailing through his own writing his emergence onto the political scene and the evolution of his beliefs about the Union, the Constitution, democracy, slavery, and civil war. Waugh brings Lincoln’s path into new reliefby letting the great man tell his own story, at a depth that brings us ever closer to understanding this mysterious, complicated, truly great man. </p><h4>The Washington Post - Michael F. Bishop</h4><p>A swift-paced narrative of Lincoln's pre-presidential life, the book is a competent introduction to what George Will once called "the world's noblest political career." Waugh tells a thoroughly familiar story in a breezy, colloquial style.</p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p><P>Former <I>Christian Science Monitor</I>journalist Waugh is the author of six books on the Civil War, including <I>Re-electing Lincoln</I>, perhaps the most accessible and complete volume on the pivotal presidential election of 1864. In his latest book, Waugh employs the same combination of lively prose backed with solid research to examine Lincoln's life story from birth to his first presidential inauguration, rarely straying from the themes of the future of the Union, impending Civil War and, more importantly, slavery. Waugh covers the events in Lincoln's pre-April 1861 life, making liberal use of Lincoln's own words, primarily from letters and speeches, and the reminiscences of one of Lincoln's closest friends and associates, his former law partner William Herndon. Waugh shows that although Lincoln embraced white supremacy and opposed interracial marriage and black suffrage during his early years as an Illinois state legislator, he managed to separate those views from his strong opposition to the institution of slavery. "If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong," Lincoln later said. "I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel." Waugh is particular adept at weaving details of Lincoln's family life into the narrative, which focuses on decidedly political matters, including the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas debates and the 1860 presidential election campaign. <I>(Nov.)</I></P>Copyright 2007 Reed Business Information </p><h4>Margaret Heilbrun - Library Journal</h4><p><P>Journalist Waugh sketches Lincoln from his parentage up to the attack on Fort Sumpter. His easy and good-humored style will appeal to many readers. He does not forsake arguably unreliable narrators, such as Lincoln cousin Dennis Hanks and while some scholars might object, others will see the magic in keeping such voices with us in following Lincoln's journey. Recommended for public and undergraduate libraries.</P></p><h4>Kirkus Reviews</h4><p>Waugh (On the Brink of Civil War: The Compromise of 1850 and How It Changed the Course of American History, 2003, etc.), a Civil War historian and former bureau chief of the Christian Science Monitor, offers a lively biography of the Great Emancipator, from birth to first inauguration. Where Julie M. Fenster's recent The Case of Abraham Lincoln: A Story of Adultery, Murder and the Making of a Great President (2007) considered the personal, legal and political life of Lincoln through the prism of a single criminal case, Waugh's more conventional treatment offers nothing new either in approach or content. Still, his judicious use of the historical record and his dramatic prose make for an enjoyable read. He provides sufficient detail about Lincoln the impoverished youth, the striving young clerk, the busy lawyer and the harried family man, and he pauses frequently to analyze Lincoln's character and mind. But the emphasis here is on Lincoln the political animal, particularly his evolution from a little-known Illinois legislator to a one-term U.S. congressman, to a marginalized Whig Party operator, to national spokesman for and eventual nominee of the newly emerging Republican Party. Waugh presents Lincoln as a special product of mid-century Illinois, that critical swing state, a peculiar amalgam of sophistication and rusticity, of Northern and Southern sensibilities. By 1856, the state had produced only one universally recognized statesman-Stephen A. Douglas, too often portrayed as Lincoln's evil twin, but here rightly regarded as brilliantly able, caught in the same historical vise that held Lincoln fast: how to succeed politically in the face of a single explosive issue, slavery, thatthreatened to sunder the union. The author is especially good on the Lincoln/Douglas dynamic, following their parallel careers from their battles as young lawyers in Springfield to their epic 1858 senate race, to the presidential contest of 1860. In the end, Lincoln's sometimes slow but always careful reasoning, his eloquence and, above all, his ceaseless ambition brought him to power where his talent proved, indeed, great enough to ensure the republic's survival. Unlikely to impress jaded Lincoln devotees, but sure to charm newcomers. Agent: Mike Hamilburg/The Mitchell J. Hamilburg Agency </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Prologue: The Uncoiling of the Serpent 1<br>Who He Was and Where He Came From 5<br>The Dark and Bloody Ground 7<br>The Hoosier Years 11<br>Making His Way 21<br>New Salem 23<br>Politics 33<br>Vandalia 39<br>The Issue's Dark Side 47<br>Death in Alton 49<br>Political Enemies and Female Enigmas 61<br>Springfield 63<br>Young Hickory 73<br>The Ballyhoo Campaign 85<br>Lincoln in Love 105<br>On the National Stage 117<br>The Steam Engine in Breeches and the Engine that Knew No Rest 119<br>"Who Is James K. Polk?" 129<br>Laying Congressional Pipe 143<br>Seeing Spots 153<br>Eclipse 165<br>Lincoln's Other Life 167<br>What He Had Become 183<br>Tempest 193<br>Clash of the Giants 201<br>Lincoln Emerges 203<br>Political Earthquake 221<br>At the Crossroads 233<br>Axe Handles and Wedges 239<br>A House Divided 249<br>The Debates 265<br>On the Glory Road 285<br>Spreading the Gospel 287<br>Cooper Union 295<br>Reaching for the Brass Ring 309<br>Chicago 319<br>From Ballots to Bullets 339<br>The Four Legged Race 341<br>Firebell in the Night 359<br>Getting There 377<br>The War Comes 397<br>Epilogue: Twilight of the Little Giant 413<br>In Appreciation 419<br>Notes 422<br>Sources Cited 455<br>Index 464 Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-42736294044800769232009-02-04T16:09:00.000-08:002009-02-04T16:16:10.991-08:00Freud and the Non European or Imaginary Weapons<h4>Freud and the Non-European </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Edward W Said</strong> <p> and/or stickers showing their discounted price. More about bargain books</p> <p>See also: <strong><a href="http://religious-cooking.blogspot.com/2009/02/definitive-guide-to-canadian-artisanal.html">Definitive Guide to Canadian Artisanal and Fine Cheeses or Herbs</a></strong> <h4>Imaginary Weapons: A Journey Through the Pentagon's Scientific Underworld </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Sharon Weinberger</strong> <p><p><P>How did a fluke experiment in 1998, involving a used dental X-ray machine and a dubious sample of radioactive material, become the Pentagon's pet weapons project? It had been rejected by one of the Pentagon's most important advisory groups, but the Pentagon found an eccentric scientist who believed that a super "isomer" bomb could be built, and deliver the punch of a two-kiloton nuke packaged in a hand grenade. Ideologues at the Pentagon claimed that the Russians were in the process of building one of their own, and that the weapon was essential to the Pentagon's arsenal. Imaginary Weapons tells the story of the battle that ensued, pitting the nation's leading nuclear physicists against the Pentagon's top brass, and the military against nuclear arms control advocates, as funds and experiments for the "isomer weapon" miraculously reappeared even after the project had been shelved numerous times, even by Congress. This book also illuminates the dangerous trend that the Bush administration continues to follow of putting politics before science. The bomb is imaginary, and the only explosion produced by the "isomer weapon" will leave a hole in the nation's budget and a fallout of the nation's best and brightest scientists. </p><h4>Publishers Weekly</h4><p>The Pentagon's fascination with fringe science is old news, writes veteran defense reporter Weinberger in this incisive study, but the Bush administration has pushed it to new levels of wackiness. After reviewing our government's pursuit of antimatter weapons, psychics and telepathy, she focuses on a "nuclear hand grenade" that may cost billions and seems certain to fail. Before the War on Terror and the avalanche of government money for advanced new weapons, few paid attention to physicists who said they could harness the energy of unstable atomic nuclei, or "isomers," through a wildly expensive process involving atomic reactors. But in recent years, a group of fringe scientists aided by defense industry insiders has convinced the Pentagon that America's post-9/11 survival depends on developing an isomer bomb. While proponents compare it to the Manhattan Project, opponents point out that independent researchers have not been able to duplicate the results attained by isomer enthusiasts, and that many assumptions behind the bomb contradict the laws of physics. Though Congress canceled isomer bomb development in 2004, the Department of Energy found $5 million to continue the research. (July 1) Copyright 2006 Reed Business Information. </p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5><TABLE><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Prologue : the gateway</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT"></TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">1</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Mickey Mouse's hand grenade</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">1</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">2</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">From Romania with love</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">11</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">3</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The secret life of the isomer weapon</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">23</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">4</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Deep in the heart of Los Alamos</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">39</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">5</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The dental X-ray goes to war</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">51</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">6</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Do you believe in isomers?</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">65</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">7</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Hafnium comes to Washington</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">83</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">8</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Scary things come in small packages</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">95</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">9</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Isomers hit prime time</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">129</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">10</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">A bomb and a prayer</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">137</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">11</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">The mother of all dirty bombs</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">159</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">12</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Fringe science takes flight</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">191</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">13</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Welcome to the far side</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">217</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%">14</TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Boom or bust</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">229</TD><TR><TD WIDTH="20%"></TD><TD WIDTH="70%">Epilogue : a hafnium ending</TD><TD WIDTH="10%" ALIGN="RIGHT">251</TD></TABLE> Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-26176361812112951.post-74160623096657001742009-02-03T10:56:00.000-08:002009-02-03T11:03:12.655-08:00Agendas and Instability in American Politics or Lincoln the Lawyer<h4>Agendas and Instability in American Politics </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Frank R Baumgartner</strong> <p><p>In this innovative account of the way policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda—the first detailed study of so many issues over an extended period—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones show that rapid change not only can but does happen in the hidebound institutions of government. <BR><BR>Short-term, single-issue analyses of public policy, the authors contend, give a narrow and distorted view of public policy as the result of a cozy arrangement between politicians, interest groups, and the media. Baumgartner and Jones upset these notions by focusing on several issues—including civilian nuclear power, urban affairs, smoking, and auto safety—over a much longer period of time to reveal patterns of stability alternating with bursts of rapid, unpredictable change. <BR><BR>A welcome corrective to conventional political wisdom, <I>Agendas and Instability</I> revises our understanding of the dynamics of agenda-setting and clarifies a subject at the very center of the study of American politics. <BR> </p><br><br> <p>New interesting textbook: <strong><a href="http://brownies-biscuits.blogspot.com/2009/02/ex-boyfriend-cookbook-or-new-york-times.html">Ex Boyfriend Cookbook or The New York Times Passover Cookbook</a></strong> <h4>Lincoln the Lawyer </h4> <p>Author: <strong>Brian R Dirck</strong> <p><p><b>What the law did to and for Abraham Lincoln, and its important impact on his future presidency</b> <br><br>Despite historians' focus on the man as president and politician, Abraham Lincoln lived most of his adult life as a practicing lawyer. It was as a lawyer that he fed his family, made his reputation, bonded with Illinois, and began his political career. Lawyering was also how Lincoln learned to become an expert mediator between angry antagonists, as he applied his knowledge of the law and of human nature to settle one dispute after another. Frontier lawyers worked hard to establish respect for the law and encourage people to resolve their differences without intimidation or violence. These were the very skills Lincoln used so deftly to hold a crumbling nation together during his presidency. <br><br> <br><br>The growth of Lincoln's practice attests to the trust he was able to inspire, and his travels from court to court taught him much about the people and land of Illinois. <i>Lincoln the Lawyer</i> explores the origins of Lincoln's desire to practice law, his legal education, his partnerships with John Stuart, Stephen Logan, and William Herndon, and the maturation of his far-flung practice in the 1840s and 1850s. Brian Dirck provides a context for law as it was practiced in mid-century Illinois and evaluates Lincoln's merits as an attorney by comparison with his peers. He examines Lincoln's clientele, his circuit practice, his views on legal ethics, and the supposition that he never defended a client he knew to be guilty. This approach allows readers not only to consider Lincoln as he lived his life--it also shows them how the law was used and developed in Lincoln's lifetime,how Lincoln charged his clients, how he was paid, and how he addressed judge and jury. <br><br> </p><h4>Stephen K. Shaw - Library Journal</h4><p><P>Dirck (history & political science, Anderson Univ., Indiana; <i>Lincoln and Davis: Imagining America, 1809–1865</i>) takes full advantage of the published Lincoln Legal Papers Project to produce this necessary and proper addition to Lincoln collections. Focusing on Lincoln's preparation for a career in law and his subsequent law practice, Dirck argues persuasively that Lincoln possessed an attorney's heart (which he intends as a compliment) and that to grapple effectively with Lincoln and his meaning to the American experiment, one must examine what the practice of law did for and to Lincoln. Scrutinizing Lincoln's legal studies, his various legal partnerships, his career in Springfield, and especially the "riding circuit" with other attorneys, Dirck concludes that Lincoln's legal career equipped him with skills and insights appropriate for a successful political career: an ability to assess human nature, seek alliances, forge compromises, and, essentially, create communities that enable democracy to function. A mixture of legal history, legal studies, and political theory, this book abounds with insightful analysis in spite of its relative brevity, especially notable for such an extraordinarily complex individual as Lincoln. Highly recommended for all libraries.</p><br><br> <p><h5>Table of Contents:</h5>Preface ix<br>Acknowledgments xiii<br>Introduction 1<br>"Great God Almighty" 9<br>The Brethren 33<br>Promissory Notes 54<br>The Energy Men 76<br>The Show 99<br>Death and the Maidens 120<br>Storytelling 138<br>Grease 154<br>Conclusion 173<br>Notes 177<br>Bibliography and Sources 211<br>Index 221 Unknownnoreply@blogger.com0